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AI
Hours after his inauguration, Donald TrumpscrappedJoe Biden's October 2023 executive order regulating artificial intelligence. That means AI companies won’t need to take certain safety and transparency measures related to developing the technology.
The new executive order was part of a spate of presidential actions issued on Monday. It signaled that Trump will take a hands-off approach to reining in artificial intelligence companies — if not industry at large.
In his second term, Trump has surrounded himself with Silicon Valley types including venture capitalist David Sacks, his crypto and AI czar, and Tesla CEO Elon Musk, in charge of government efficiency efforts.The Central Intelligence Agency has reportedly spent the last two years developing an artificial intelligence chatbot.
The chatbot helps analysts get inside the heads of foreign presidents and prime ministers by conversing with them about various topics. And unlike many of its initiatives, the CIA actually wants the public to know about it. “It is a fantastic example of an app that we were able to rapidly deploy and get out to production in a cheaper, faster fashion,” CIA Chief Technology Officer Nand Mulchandani told the New York Times.
This program should continue under new CIA leadership, assuming Trump’s nominee John Ratcliffe is confirmed by the US Senate. Ratcliffe said that the agency has “struggled to keep pace” with technological innovation. Still, he said that Biden’s CIA director, William Burns, had attempted to expand the agency’s tech innovation experts and pledged to expand them. “The nation who wins the race in the emerging technologies of today will dominate the world of tomorrow,” he added.
The CIA gave no other details about its chatbot — what technology it’s based on, whether it worked with government contractors, and what steps it takes to keep its likely classified conversations secure. But as the agency changes hands, and the Trump administration cozies up with Silicon Valley, expect deeper integration between the national security and technology sectors in the years to come.
The AI race depends on fossil fuels. That was the message from Doug Burgum in his Senate confirmation hearing last Thursday.
Burgum is currently auditioning for two jobs. If confirmed by the US Senate, the former North Dakota governor will not only serve as secretary of the interior but also as the head of a new committee called the National Energy Council.
Burgum said that the US will lose its “AI arms race” with China unless it takes full advantage of fossil fuels. To run artificial intelligence models on advanced processors, data centers require copious amounts of electricity. He criticized wind and solar energy and said the country needs more “baseload” electricity from coal. “The sun doesn’t always shine, and the wind doesn’t always blow,” Burgum told senators, signaling plans for a deregulatory environment in the energy sector.
Companies are rethinking their climate ambitions in the age of AI. In July, Google’s Chief Sustainability Officer Kate Brandtadmitted that the company’s goal to become carbon “net zero” by 2030 is now “extremely ambitious.” The Biden administration has encouraged the development of nuclear energy infrastructure as a way to get more “clean energy” to pursue AI at scale without further delaying progress on climate goals. Google and Microsoft have struck deals for nuclear energy, while Meta is seeking a deal of its own.
Burgum’s confirmation hearing showed that while Trump’s administration may be just as enthused about dominating global AI, it’ll be less stringent on using renewable or clean energy to do so.
GZERO’s very own Tony Maciulis is in the Alps this week to report on the 55th World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.
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It’s Day Two in Davos, and those of us here woke up to the flurry of executive orders from President Donald Trump, many of which were expected but still create complications for dialogues here focused on climate financing and cooperation on AI and tech policy, for example. Trump will address the forum directly via videoconference this Thursday afternoon (as we’ve been told, though there are small rumors he may come in person. I think those odds are slim, but …)
Today was a big day for keynote speeches and conversations with world leaders. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky, Germany’s embattled Chancellor Olaf Scholz, and China’s Vice Premier Ding Xuexiang addressed the forum, focusing on trade, innovation, multilateralism, and, in Zelensky’s case, the need to rally support for Ukraine.
Also, our own Ian Bremmer offered his take on the start of Trump’s presidency in a panel discussion in the Congress Centre today. Watch here.
At the forum’s AI House, discussions today focused on mitigating bias, accelerating global adoption of AI, and AI’s role in helping safeguard the environment.
Be sure to tune in tomorrow for a special Global Stage premiere from Davos, “The AI Economy: An Engine for Local Growth,” streaming at 11 a.m. ET. The program features Ian, Microsoft’s Vice Chair and President Brad Smith, WTO Director General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, European Investment Bank President Nadia Calviño, and G42’s CEO Peng Xiao. Details here.
What is the AI economy?
The Global Stage series brings you critical conversations at the intersection of technology, politics, and society. Throughout the year, we've explored the impact artificial intelligence is having on our lives and where it's heading next. Here's a look at how the leaders and experts we've spoken with explain how artificial intelligence is creating a new economy and bringing new challenges.
US President Joe Biden on Monday signed an expansive executive order about artificial intelligence, ordering a bevy of government agencies to set new rules and standards for developers with regard to safety, privacy, and fraud. Under the Defense Production Act, the administration will require AI developers to share safety and testing data for the models they’re training — under the guise of protecting national and economic security. The government will also develop guidelines for watermarking AI-generated content and fresh standards to protect against “chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear, and cybersecurity risks.”
The US order comes the same day that G7 countries agreed to a “code of conduct” for AI companies, an 11-point plan called the “Hiroshima AI Process.” It also came mere days before government officials and tech-industry leaders meet in the UK at a forum hosted by British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak. The event will run tomorrow and Thursday, Nov. 1-2, at Bletchley Park. While several world leaders have passed on attending Sunak’s summit, including Biden and Emmanuel Macron, US Vice President Kamala Harris and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen plan to participate.
When it comes to AI regulation, the UK is trying to differentiate itself from other global powers. Just last week, Sunak said that “the UK’s answer is not to rush to regulate” artificial intelligence while also announcing the formation of a UK AI Safety Institute to study “all the risks, from social harms like bias and misinformation through to the most extreme risks of all.”
The two-day summit will focus on the risks of AI and its use of large language models trained by huge amounts of text and data.
Unlike von der Leyen’s EU, with its strict AI regulation, the UK seems more interested in attracting AI firms than immediately reining them in. In March, Sunak’s government unveiled its plan for a “pro-innovation” approach to AI regulation. In announcing the summit, the government’s Department for Science, Innovation, and Technology boasted the country’s “strong credentials” in AI: employing 50,000 people, bringing £3.7 billion to the domestic economy, and housing key firms like DeepMind (now owned by Google), while also investing £100 million in AI safety research.
Despite the UK’s light-touch approach so far, the Council on Foreign Relations described the summit as an opportunity for the US and UK, in particular, to align on policy priorities and “move beyond the techno-libertarianism that characterized the early days of AI policymaking in both countries.”- UK AI Safety Summit brings government leaders and AI experts together - GZERO Media ›
- AI agents are here, but is society ready for them? - GZERO Media ›
- Yuval Noah Harari: AI is a “social weapon of mass destruction” to humanity - GZERO Media ›
- Should we regulate generative AI with open or closed models? - GZERO Media ›
- Podcast: Talking AI: Sociologist Zeynep Tufekci explains what's missing in the conversation - GZERO Media ›
- OpenAI is risk-testing Voice Engine, but the risks are clear - GZERO Media ›
Every January, Eurasia Group, our parent company, produces a report with its forecast for the world's Top 10 Risks in the year ahead. Its authors are EG President
Ian Bremmer and EG Chairman Cliff Kupchan. Ian explains the Top 10 Risks for 2025, one after the other. He also discusses the three Red Herrings.
Read the full report here.
Red Herrings
Trump Fails: Over time, Trump’s transactional foreign-policy approach will weaken US alliances, erode America’s influence on the global stage, heighten geopolitical volatility, and make the world a more dangerous place. But in 2025, Trump is score likely to score victories than to fail.
Europe Breaks: Economic malaise, security threats, and defense shortcomings will test Europe’s unity in 2025. But as with the Eurozone crisis, Brexit, the pandemic, and Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the EU will likely overcome, or at least muddle through, these latest challenges.
Global Energy Transition Stalls: The return of Donald Trump has raised anxieties in sustainability circles that the global energy transition will be thrown into reverse this year. But the global energy transition survived the first Trump administration, and it will survive the second, especially since it has much more momentum now than in 2017.
Risk #10: Mexican Standoff
Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum has a strong mandate and few checks on her executive power. Still, she will face formidable challenges this year in her relations with the Trump administration at a time of ongoing constitutional overhauls and fiscal stresses at home. Her diplomatic and governance skills will soon be tested.
Risk #9: Ungoverned spaces
The deepening G-Zero leaves many places thinly governed. Conflict in the Middle East has left ungoverned spaces within Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen. In Africa, the aftermath of the war in Ethiopia and the ongoing civil war in Sudan have worsened humanitarian conditions. In Myanmar, more than three million civilians have been displaced since the coup in 2021. In Haiti, political turmoil, civil unrest, gang violence, and natural disasters compound the misery of its people. These neglected spaces and people won’t pose broader geopolitical risks in 2025, but the consequences of the neglect will eventually be felt far beyond the countries directly affected.
Risk #8: AI unbound
Some notable AI governance initiatives came to fruition in 2024. Still, without strong, sustained buy-in from governments and tech companies, they will not be enough to keep pace with technological advances. The deteriorating state of global cooperation resulting from the G-Zero leadership vacuum compounds these risks.
This year will mark another period of relentless technological development unbound by adequate safeguards and governance frameworks. Given the incentives to build ever more powerful AI, meaningful constraints will likely emerge only when developers hit hard limits on data, compute, energy, or funding access. Until then, the technology’s capabilities and risks will continue to grow unchecked.
Risk #7: Beggar thy world
The US-China rivalry will export disruption to everyone else this year, short-circuiting the global recovery and accelerating geoeconomic fragmentation at a time when global growth is tepid, inflation remains sticky, and debt levels stand at historic highs.
New governments promising better times ahead will face harsh realities as global economic pressures turn political. Many emerging and frontier economies must decide between raising taxes or slashing spending. Even within the G7, budget battles toppled a French government last year, and Canada's finance minister resigned over fiscal disputes. Few countries face imminent risk of sovereign default, but cracks in government stability will undermine investor confidence.
Risk #6: Iran on the ropes
The Middle East will remain a combustible environment in 2025 for one big reason: Iran hasn’t been this weak in decades. The country’s geopolitical position has been dealt a series of devastating blows in recent months. Israel has crippled its most potent proxies—Hamas and Hezbollah. Iran’s ally, Bashar al Assad, has been driven from Syria.
Tehran is wounded, but it still has a massive missile and drone arsenal, and it could be provoked into another direct exchange of missiles with Israel. Any accident or miscalculation that kills a significant number of Israelis or Americans could trigger an escalatory spiral with material implications for the supply and price of oil.
Risk #5: Russia still rogue
Russia is now the world’s leading rogue power by a large margin, and Vladimir Putin will pursue more policies that undermine the US-led global order despite a likely ceasefire in Ukraine. Russia will take hostile action against EU countries with cyber, sabotage, and other “asymmetric attacks”; it will also build on strategic military partnerships with Iran and North Korea in 2025. Putin will continue attempts at arson and even assassination while using Telegram to propagate pro-Kremlin views across Europe. Russia will do more than any other country to subvert the global order in 2025.
Risk#4: Trumponomics
In January, Trump will inherit a robust US economy, but his policies will bring higher inflation and lower growth in 2025.
First, Trump will significantly hike tariffs to reduce America’s trade deficits, leading to fewer affordable options for many goods and increased US inflation. Higher interest rates and slower growth will result. The dollar will strengthen, making US exports less competitive. Some countries targeted by Trump will retaliate, raising the risk of disruptive trade wars. Second, the Trump administration could deport up to one million people in 2025 and up to five million over four years.
Reduced illegal immigration and mass deportations would shrink the US workforce, driving up wages and consumer prices and limiting the economy’s productive capacity.
Risk #3: US-China breakdown
Trump's return to office will unleash an unmanaged decoupling in the world’s most important geopolitical relationship. That, in turn, risks a major economic disruption and broader crisis. Trump will set new tariffs on Chinese goods to pressure Beijing for concessions on a host of issues, and China’s leaders, despite real economic weakness at home, will respond more forcefully to prove to both Trump and China’s people that they can and will fight back. Tensions over Taiwan will probably rise, though a full-blown crisis remains unlikely in 2025.
Technology policy will be the true frontline in this conflict. Battles over trade and investment in everything from semiconductors to critical minerals will erupt in 2025.
Risk #2: Rule of Don
Trump will enter office more experienced and better organized than in 2017. He will populate his administration with loyalists who better understand how the federal government works. He will have consolidated control of Congress and a 6-3 conservative Supreme Court majority.
From this solid foundation, Trump will purge the federal bureaucracy of professional civil servants and replace them with political loyalists, particularly at the Justice Department and the FBI. The erosion of independent checks on executive power and an active undermining of the rule of law will leave more of US policy dependent on the decisions of one powerful man rather than on established and politically impartial legal principles.
Democracy itself will not be threatened. The US isn’t Hungary. But Trump’s indifference, and in some cases hostility, to longstanding American values will set dangerous new precedents for “political vandalism” by future presidents of both parties.
Risk #1: The G-Zero wins
The G-Zero world is an era when no one power or group of powers is both willing and able to drive a global agenda and maintain international order. We’ve lived with this lack of international leadership for nearly a decade now, but in 2025, the problem will get much worse.
Expect new and expanding power vacuums, emboldened rogue actors, and a heightened risk of dangerous accidents, miscalculations, and conflict. The risk of a geopolitical crisis is now higher than at any point since the 1930s or the early Cold War.
Russia and China remain challengers to the Western-led security order, though in very different ways. Rising inequality, shifting demographics, and warp-speed technological change have persuaded a growing number of citizens in advanced industrial democracies that “globalism” hasn’t worked in their favor. And the world’s military superpower will again be led by the only post-WWII president who rejects the assumption that a US global leadership role serves the American people.
This Top Risk is not a single event. It’s the cumulative impact of the deepening G-Zero leadership deficit.