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Will the EU sanction Chinese companies for skirting Russian sanctions?
Going after companies for evading Russian sanctions would make it harder for EU-made, dual-use products, such as drones or semiconductors, to find their way to Russia through third countries that still do business with Moscow like Turkey. It would also be an about-face for Brussels, which five years ago cried foul when the Trump administration slapped similar sanctions against EU firms trading with Tehran after Washington walked away from the Iran nuclear deal.
The sanctions would also open a can of worms with Beijing at a moment of increasingly fraught EU-China relations. But the package needs signoff from all 27 EU members, and we all know how cozy Emmanuel Macron has become with Xi Jinping lately …
German Chancellor Scholz's controversial China trip
It was the right move, but was it the right time? That’s how German diplomat Christoph Heusgen describes Chancellor Olaf Scholz's decision to visit Chinese leader Xi Jinping in Beijing today, along with a delegation of German business leaders. Heusgen spoke to Ian Bremmer in an upcoming episode of GZERO World.
Heusgen and Bremmer discuss the many questions swirling around this visit, including that, at a moment when European nations are already trying to wean themselves off of an energy dependency with Russia, is it really the right time to strengthen business ties with China?
That said, Heusgen acknowledges that a strong and healthy relationship with Beijing will be critical for Europe's growth in the years ahead. He only wonders why Scholz didn't take French President Emmanuel Macron up on his invitation to visit Beijing together.
Full GZERO interview coming soon at gzeromedia.com and on US public television.
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What We’re Watching: Uproar in Sierra Leone, falling US gas prices, Baltic states balk at China
Fracas in Freetown
Sierra Leone on Thursday declared a nationwide curfew and cut access to the internet by 95% amid deadly anti-government protests over inflation. Six cops and 21 civilians have been killed in the West African nation, where about half the population lives under the poverty line. Most Sierra Leonians are struggling to meet their basic needs due to high food and fuel prices, which have jumped 40% in recent months, mainly due to the effect of Russia’s war in Ukraine on global commodities. Such unrest is unusual in Sierra Leone, which has been relatively peaceful and politically stable since its civil war 20 years ago. More broadly, in recent weeks similar protests over the cost of living have also turned deadly across the continent in Ghana, Kenya, and South Africa. So far the demonstrations have yet to topple an African government, many of which are mired in debt and simply don’t have the cash to offer relief to their citizens. But if food and fuel prices continue to climb, so will levels of civilian desperation.
Americans get some reprieve at the pump
We’ve been talking about prices at the pump a lot in recent months, and for very good reason. But after months of eye-watering prices, the average cost of gasoline in the US has fallen below $4 a gallon for the first time since March, according to AAA, a roadside assistance motor club. This marks a 20% drop from mid-June when prices exceeded $5, suggesting that the US Fed’s efforts to curb inflation are having an impact. Oil prices in the US – and globally – have also dropped in recent weeks amid fears of a global recession as the war in Ukraine lingers. What’s more, 88% of Americans recently surveyed said they were driving less due to high gas prices, indicating that slumping demand is fueling lower prices. With the cost-of-living dominating US political discourse, President Joe Biden and the Democrats are heralding the price drop to showcase efforts to address inflation ahead of November’s midterms. This follows a slate of recent legislative wins for the Dems – can they maintain the momentum?
China’s “no limits” gets no love in Baltics
Latvia and Estonia have announced they are ditching a grouping of central and eastern European countries that are meant to be deepening economic ties with Beijing. The reason? The friend of their enemy is not their friend: the two countries say they can’t accept being a partner of China’s so long as Beijing maintains a “no limits friendship” with Russia, the Baltics’ much-resented former colonial overlord. The Latvian and Estonian exit from the group follows fellow Baltic country Lithuania’s departure last year after a spat with China over deepening ties with Taiwan. The grouping, formerly known as 17+1 (for the number of European countries plus China), is now down to a skinnier 14. Although the Baltics’ combined GDP of a little more than $140 billion is about 100 times smaller than China’s, their decision to ditch the club opens the question of whether more formidable economies in the region — such as Poland — may follow suit. Both sides will need to pick their friends wisely.
EU-China "reset" in limbo
On Friday, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President Charles Michel will meet Chinese President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Li Keqiang in their first virtual summit since June 2020. Originally, they’d planned to try and ease tensions after a rough two years for EU-China ties. But then Russia invaded Ukraine, and that has scrambled the EU’s priorities. We asked Eurasia Group analyst Emre Peker to explain.
What does the EU want out of the meeting?
The EU's top priority now is to persuade China to throw its weight behind the international effort to stop the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which the EU views as an existential threat. China's refusal to condemn Russia's actions has deeply frustrated EU officials. Some in Brussels hope that the bloc’s strong commercial links and less antagonistic relationship with China than that of the US with the Asian giant will help EU leaders nudge Xi Jinping to exert pressure on his pal Vladimir Putin to end the war.
Are there other things to discuss?
Prior to the Ukraine war, the leaders would have focused on the trade restrictions China slapped on EU member state Lithuania in retaliation for allowing Taiwan to open a de-facto embassy in Vilnius; cooperation on climate change; and improving commercial ties while paving the way toward unblocking a massive EU-China investment pact that's been stalled for a year over a spate of EU sanctions and Chinese countersanctions prompted by China’s treatment of the Uyghurs. These issues may fade into the background now.
So, how is the war in Ukraine likely to affect EU-China relations?
The consensus in Brussels and EU capitals is that China is not really interested in applying pressure on Russia. As long as that is the case, EU-China relations will suffer. More broadly, Russia’s actions and the international sanctions they have provoked have highlighted for the EU the dangers of excessive reliance on trading partners such as Russia, while exacerbating pandemic-driven concerns over the bloc’s reliance on many types of Chinese imports. EU officials had already been growing increasingly alarmed over aggressive Chinese behavior such as the trade restrictions placed on Lithuania. Russia’s actions and China’s commitment to its “no limits” partnership with Moscow will crystalize for the EU the need to prepare for all eventualities.
What will the EU do?
The bloc will be more receptive to the increasingly harder line toward Beijing advocated by Washington, as it has gone from trade spats with China during the administration of Donald Trump to a broader and more intense global rivalry under President Joe Biden. Yet the Europeans will want to tread cautiously. With high energy prices and rising inflation caused by the war, the last thing they want to do is risk their lucrative investments in China, not to mention pick a fight with the world's second-largest economy. An important plank of their efforts to push back against China is likely to be ramping up efforts to produce locally some strategically important goods currently purchased from China. The European Commission outlined last year a strategy to reduce imports across six categories—raw materials, batteries, active pharmaceutical ingredients, hydrogen, semiconductors, and cloud and edge technologies.
Will these developments push the EU closer to the US?
The Europeans are very upset at China over Ukraine and more aligned with the US over security concerns than they've been since 9/11. Still, Brussels is not (yet) willing to fully decouple from Beijing, as the Biden administration would like it to do.
One important upcoming event to watch is a meeting of the EU-US Trade and Technology Council in France in May, which will allow us to gauge the temperature of transatlantic efforts to push back against China. The Europeans think that since the TTC has been effective at implementing joint export controls against Russia, perhaps it could be used in a similar way against China. The US and the EU also want to promote Western standards on artificial intelligence, which China won't like.
Most EU-US talks in the near future will have somewhat of an anti-China vibe. Both sides want to cooperate more on screening Chinese investments and making their supply chains more resilient to disruptions from China. Brussels and Washington are clearly game to use policy on trade, climate, and other issues to fight China's state-led capitalism — and the economic dislocations it causes.
So, there’s not much chance of an EU-China reset?
Not in the near term. The EU-China investment pact is unlikely to be ratified before the second half of next year. Despite the challenges to finalizing the agreement, the EU will not kill it outright because of the opportunities unlocking a greater portion of the Chinese market would offer European companies. Meanwhile, China remains unwilling to lift countersanctions on several members of the European Parliament over the Uyghur issue, which is a pre-condition for EU ratification. And, of course, China's bullying of Lithuania and its position on Ukraine are major hurdles to overcome.
Europe's "clear vision" for relations with China is one-sided
Does the European Union have a better plan for dealing with China than the US does, as Bruno Maçães argues in his latest op-ed for Politico Europe? While there are differences in how the EU and US are approaching Beijing, the EU's plan to separate politics from economics isn't quite working out the the way Maçães describes. Ian Bremmer and Eurasia Group analyst Charles Dunst take out the Red Pen to take the other side.
Today we are taking our Red Pen to a piece from Politico's "Geopolitical Union" column. It's written by former Portuguese Secretary of State for European Affairs and author Bruno Maçães. Disclaimer for you, Bruno is an exceedingly smart dude, who I happen to really like. I read him all the time. But that doesn't stop us from taking the red pen to this piece.
It is titled, "Surprise! The EU knows how to handle China." That would be a surprise. Bruno argues that the European Union is ahead of the United States in handling its relationship, both political and economic, with the People's Republic.
Obviously, a big goal of President Biden's first major trip abroad, we talked about it a lot here, meeting with the G7, NATO, and European leaders, the EU, was to push for Europe to get onboard with a tougher stance on China. Kind of like they are trying to do with the Quad across the Pacific. And there is a disparity in how the EU and US are approaching Beijing right now, that's clear. But we don't agree with Bruno on the reasons.
So, let's get out the Red Pen.
First, Bruno dismisses the notion that Europeans are "reluctant to get on board with Biden's efforts" because they simply don't want to confront China. Rather, he says, "they have a plan of their own.".
Several European countries have made it pretty clear that they don't want to confront China at all, let alone in the strong way that the United States, whether Trump or Biden, has been. While Brussels is growing increasingly apprehensive of Beijing, agree with that, June's G7, NATO, and US-EU summits all underscored that few of the EU's members are prepared to challenge China comprehensively in any way.
Next, Bruno praises the EU's "plan" for dealing with China, writing that the European Commission and the European External Action Service drafted "a bold [China strategy] that never traveled to national capitals for assent."
But the EU's plan appears to be grounded in a hope that "politics and the economy can be insulated from each other." Unfortunately, as Bruno himself explains, China makes "no separation between market and state." Indeed, it leverages its economic ties for political aims. Remember when China imposed tariffs, started a trade war, on Australian goods after Australia called for an investigation into Covid-19's origins? You can't just unwind the politics versus economics. And it's getting harder to do as China gets more powerful.
Plus, if EU member countries had no say in the plan that Brussels penned, then how can we credibly speak of "the European response" to China? The truth is that there really isn't a coherent response. Hungary, for its part, has become China's closest partner in the bloc, vetoing EU statements that are critical of Beijing. Sweden, on the other hand, continues to hammer China on human rights abuses. Do both really subscribe to the same European-China policy? I'm skeptical on that.
Third point: In explaining the collapse of the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI), a major potential deal between the EU and China, (they gave their thumbs-up on after Biden was elected, before he became inaugurated, a big to-do in the United States), Bruno cites a Chinese scholar's lament that the EU has the upper hand in dealing with China, giving Beijing little choice but to accept penalties Brussels imposes.
If Beijing really felt that pressure, why did it "put its foot down" and "kill the investment agreement?" We'd argue that China's leadership increasingly actually believes that the West is in irreversible decline, much more significantly than after the global financial crisis of 2008-2009, and that because of China's growing economic heft and technological capacity, which is significantly greater than that of the European countries right now and will continue to be, they don't need to yield to European pressure. The EU may assume that China will come back to the table on European terms, but Beijing probably won't feel much urgency to return.
Finally, Bruno concludes that Brussels "has a clear vision of what the terms of the relationship between the West and China should be: economic integration but on a European not a Chinese model."
But bottom line here is that China doesn't share that vision. Brussels is going to continue to struggle in its relationship with Beijing if it intends to preserve a boundary between politics and economics. And this is a core difference. The back-and-forth battle between the European Parliament and China over sanctions and countersanctions, a tit for tat over punishing China for treatment of the Uyghurs and China firing back by sanctioning European parliamentarians and think tanks, led to a freeze in the ratification of the CAI. The EU can't unilaterally separate politics and economics when dealing with China. For the relationship to operate on these dual tracks, both sides need to accept the boundary. And Beijing doesn't.
Anyway, that's your red pen for today. Have a look at Bruno's piece, see which side you come out on. We'll see you again soon. One thing we can all agree on, the European and China have a great 4th of July weekend. See you soon.