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How to consolidate power by creating an enemy
As things become more unstable in the world with inflation and rising food prices, and commodity prices, there is going to be more and more appetite with strong leadership.
Part of the pushback against globalization has been led by autocrats who reject things like free trade and the liberal international order. For them, globalization means losing control.
But the world today remains more interconnected than ever. So, do they want less globalization, or rather a version that fits their narrative? On GZERO World, Ian Bremmer speaks to Gideon Rachman, chief foreign affairs columnist for the Financial Times, who wrote a book about the rise of the age of the strongmen.
A modern example of the strongman appeal are resentment at minority groups and how strongman leaders exploit that. Autocrats are generally not fond of minorities, yet resentment against them is always a good pitch to fire up the base, says Rachman.
Good examples are India's Narendra Modi, China's Xi Jinping, or the European far right with Muslims. But the European strongmen have not behaved the same way with Ukrainian migrants.
"It's pointless to deny that people are more likely to feel compassion for people who maybe look a bit like them," Rachman tells Ian Bremmer.
Countries representing more than half of the world's population — including China and India — are not on the anti-Russia bandwagon.
Why? For one thing, US hypocrisy after the war in Iraq. For another, many countries "simply don't want to return to a unipolar world.
Which authoritarian is “best of the worst”? Gideon Rachman's favorite strongman
Gideon Rachman, chief foreign affairs columnist at the Financial Times, has just published a new book about autocrats, so Ian Bremmer puts him on the spot on GZERO World.
Which one appeals to you the most?
"That is difficult. I wouldn't say ... I'm running desperately through my head," says Rachman, before settling on one autocrat he's not a fan of but concedes is at least "an interesting figure."
Clues: He leads a very populous country, comes from humble beginnings, and Rachman believes he's not personally corrupt like other strongmen.
Watch the GZERO World episode: The politics of resentment & how authoritarian strongmen gain power.
The self-identification trap: how populists exploit emotions to gain support
Soon after Russia attacked Ukraine, the West proclaimed: we've united the world against Russia.
Wrong. Countries representing more than half of the world's population — including China and India — have not condemned the invasion.
Why? For one thing, US hypocrisy after the war in Iraq, says Gideon Rachman, chief foreign affairs columnist at the Financial Times tells Ian Bremmer on GZERO World.
For another, he tells Ian Bremmer, many countries "simply don't want to return to a unipolar world."
Watch the GZERO World episode: The politics of resentment & how authoritarian strongmen gain power.
Power from demonizing the “other”: the FT's Gideon Rachman on “strongmen”
Autocrats know resentment against minorities is always a good pitch to fire up the base.
Gideon Rachman, chief foreign affairs columnist for the Financial Times, explains this common tactic taken by strongmen leaders around the world, in a discussion with Ian Bremmer on GZERO World.For example, India's Narendra Modi, China's Xi Jinping, and the European far right have all built domestic support using negative sentiment against Muslim minorities.
But the European strongmen have not behaved the same way with Ukrainian migrants. Why?
"It's pointless to deny that people are more likely to feel compassion for people who maybe look a bit like them," Rachman tells Bremmer.
Watch the GZERO World episode: The politics of resentment & how authoritarian strongmen gain power.
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The politics of resentment & how authoritarian strongmen gain power
In recent years, part of the pushback against globalization has been led by autocrats who reject things like free trade and the liberal international order.
For them, globalization means losing control, which they don't like one bit. But the world today remains more interconnected than ever, particularly in cyberspace. So, do they want less globalization, or rather a version that fits their narrative?
On GZERO World, Ian Bremmer speaks to Gideon Rachman, the chief foreign affairs columnist for the Financial Times who knows a thing or two about Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, and Donald Trump, and has just written a book about strongmen.
Rachman explains why resentment at minorities motivates both autocrats and their supporters, why strongmen use emotions to justify their nationalism and protectionism, and why Narendra Modi is the least bad of them right now.
Bonus: the global food crisis hits ... fish and chips.
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Podcast: How discontent with globalization has fueled authoritarian "strongmen"
Listen: As inflation, including as seen in rising food and commodity prices, destabilize global systems, strong leadership will appeal to more people. Part of the pushback against globalization has been led by autocrats who reject ideas like free trade and the liberal international order. Globalization is seen to equate losing control. But the world today remains more interconnected than ever. So, do those expressing discontent want less globalization, or rather a version that fits their narrative? And, after two years of unrelenting pandemic, continued rise in global temperatures, and a war in Ukraine that is not ending, has globalization benefited the world?
On the GZERO World Podcast, Ian Bremmer speaks to Gideon Rachman, chief foreign affairs columnist for the Financial Times, who knows a thing or two about the likes of Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, or Donald Trump, and has just written a book about strongmen. Rachman explains why resentment at minorities motivates both autocrats and their supporters, why strongmen use emotions to justify their nationalism and protectionism, and why Narendra Modi is the least bad of them right now.
Subscribe to the GZERO World Podcast on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Stitcher, or your preferred podcast platform, to receive new episodes as soon as they're published.China's EU deal betrays insecurity; not a wedge between US & EU
In our first edition of The Red Pen for 2021, we take a look at an editorial by the FT's Gideon Rachman, who argues that the recent EU-China treaty will complicate President-elect Biden's ability to handle China and rebuild the US-EU relationship. Ian Bremmer and Eurasia Group's Michael Hirson point out the deal actually demonstrates how much Beijing fears being out-maneuvered by Biden.
There's a lot going on in the world, and obviously plenty to discuss right here in the United States where our democracy is getting tested like nobody's business. But that doesn't mean that good op-eds out there don't deserve to be sparred with. And, I don't want to just neglect all those perfectly important writers, so we have one this week.
Turning our attention abroad to how China factors in as President-elect Joe Biden takes office in a short period of time … and what role Europe will play in how the United States approaches the second biggest economy, soon to be first, on the planet.
The op-ed we're marking up is by Gideon Rachman. He's the chief foreign affairs commentator at the Financial Times. And the piece is entitled, "Europe Has Handed China A Strategic Victory." He argues against a recent investment treaty between Europe and China championed by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, also heavily supported by German Chancellor Angela Merkel. And it's viewed overall as a deepening of financial ties and commerce between Europe and China.
Now as a little bit of background, the deal, which was several years in the making, boosts market access in China for European firms in sectors such as autos and finance.
Now Gideon argues that the European Union has just handed China a big win despite all of that nation's diplomatic and humanitarian transgressions…and that this is going to further complicate things for incoming President Joe Biden as he tries to figure out how to deal with China.
Now, agree with Gideon, it's a significant development. And also, it's true that Europe does appear to be flexing its muscles a bit here: The US can do a unilateral trade deal with China (Phase One) and so can Europe. But is this going to change the geopolitical landscape? No, and the argument goes too far on that point.
First, Gideon writes, "Ms. Von der Leyen concluded 2020 by sending a truly awful geopolitical message — as her commission signed off on an investment treaty between the EU and China."
Well, the EU also has said it agrees with the United States "on the strategic challenge presented by China's growing international assertiveness." And there are many humanitarian and diplomatic issues Europe as a whole has strongly condemned—from China's attack on democracy in Hong Kong to its treatment of Muslim minorities. This is a fairly narrow deal, not a white flag on the relationship.
Number two, Gideon describes the timing of the deal as "exquisite" for China, driving a wedge between Europe and the US on the eve of Biden's inauguration.
Now you can make that argument, but let's be clear, Beijing was clearly intent on rushing to get the deal done before Biden took office and ended up giving a lot of benefits to the Europeans accordingly. Does that sound like a confident superpower? Or, rather, like an insecure country worried about being out maneuvered by Biden and preparing to face a lot more coordinated and multilateral pressure? In other words, China might have grabbed what it could at a fire sale before Biden comes in to remove the wedge that has existed between Europe and the United States under the Trump administration.
Now on that, Gideon describes this deal as a "kick in the teeth" to Biden, who wants to restore ties to some of our strongest global allies in Europe.
Now, it's a wake-up call. But Beijing keeps digging its own diplomatic hole, from turning away WHO inspectors to conducting mass arrests in Hong Kong. And that's just this week. The new Biden team's commitment to transatlantic cooperation is going to go a long way to repairing the US-Europe relationship.
Finally, Gideon writes that Europe "is naive to believe that China will respect the agreement it has signed…And it is naive to think that the darkening political climate in Beijing will never affect life in Brussels or Berlin."
Now sure, you can point to plenty of examples of China not holding up its end of the bargain. Gideon mentions the WTO agreement in 2001. He's right. Also, in the terms of this EU/China deal, Beijing is expected to deliver on things like climate action, reducing favoritism to state-owned businesses, and improving labor practices. All kind of red lines for the Chinese state capitalist system. Good luck with that. But let's be clear, when China fails to meet those terms, that ends up working in America's favor and makes any EU/China agreement short-lived at best. It gets weaker as a consequence of that.
So, is it the end of the world order as we know it? No. But is China, and how its growing economic influence and power impacts every nation, going to be a big issue for Biden…and beyond? Yes. We just don't think Ursula von der Leyen or the EU did something "truly awful," as Gideon states.
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