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Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman chairs the inaugural session of the Shura Council in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on September 10, 2025.
Could Saudi Arabia join the Abraham Accords?
The vibes are good between the United States and Saudi Arabia right now.
Negotiations have advanced on a mutual defense pact, one that would involve military and intelligence cooperation. The two oil-producing nations agreed on scuttling a deal that would have introduced internationally-mandated emissions targets for shipping. There are discussions, even, of holding a National Football League game in Riyadh.
But how far can the two nations go together? Could Saudi Arabia go so far as to join the Abraham Accords, the US-brokered normalization of ties between Arab states and Israel?
As the ceasefire in Gaza holds – albeit tenuously – the United States is already eyeing its next Middle East mission: having Saudi Arabia join Bahrain, Morocco, and the UAE as a signatory of the Accords and normalizing ties with Israel. This would authorize business relations, tourism between the two countries, and enable official diplomatic links. Riyadh has never recognized the Jewish state, and until three years ago, it wouldn’t even let commercial Israeli planes fly over its airspace. But its ever-closer relationship with Washington, as well as its thawing ties with Israel, suggest joining the Accords may be a real possibility.
How did the US and Saudi get so close? Saudi Arabia has been a major US partner in the Middle East ever since the Kingdom was founded in 1932. The relationship has largely centered on oil, with US firms helping the Saudi government explore the fossil fuel in the 1930s. More recently, it has shifted toward defense equipment.
There have been some major points of tension along the way, most notably from the 1973 oil embargo, the 9/11 attacks – 15 of the 19 hijackers that day were from from Saudi – the 2015 US-brokered nuclear deal with the Kingdom’s main regional rival Iran, and, most recently, when Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi was murdered in 2018 at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. A US report later found that Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman (MBS) greenlit the hit. During the 2020 US presidential campaign, former President Joe Biden suggested that Saudi should be a “pariah” state.
When US President Donald Trump returned to office, though, the tensions between the two countries dissipated. Just like in his first term, the US leader’s first major foreign visit of his second term was to the Gulf state, where he was greeted with a sea of opulent displays from his Saudi counterparts – rather different from Biden’s awkward fist-bump with MBS in 2022. The Crown Prince is set to pay a visit to Washington next month, too, his first since 2018.
Can the US transfer this goodwill to Saudi-Israel relations? The Kingdom has long said that it won’t normalize relations with Israel until the Jewish state recognizes a Palestinian state, a move that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu appears unlikely to make.
Yet there are signs that the longstanding tensions between the two countries are easing. Just before the Israel-Hamas war began more than two years ago, MBS said his country was moving “closer” each day toward a deal with Israel. Though those negotiations stalled in the wake of Israel’s response to the Hamas attacks of Oct. 7, 2023, the two sides reportedly coordinated to fend off Iranian bombs that were sent toward Israel during the 12-day Israel-Iran war in June.
“The Crown Prince has made a strategic decision to move in the direction of recognizing Israel,” Hussein Ibish, a senior resident fellow at the Arab Gulf States Initiative in Washington, told GZERO.
What’s more, the Saudis stand to benefit from normalizing ties with Israel, much as the current signatories of the Abraham Accords have. They would gain access to Israeli tech and security products, open links to Israeli investors and technology companies, and boost its tourism by opening its country up to Israeli visitors. And this isn’t to mention a preferable security agreement with the United States, which would likely be part of any peace deal with Israel.
Not so fast. There remain several risks for the Saudis in joining the Abraham Accords, per Ibish. For one thing, the Kingdom is a larger and more politically-complex state than the current signatories, making it harder to bring the various internal factions on board for a controversial deal with Israel. Further, the war in Gaza has heightened the Saudi public’s skepticism of Israel. Finally, Riyadh would risk its position as a leader of both the Arab and Muslim world if it normalized ties with the Jewish state, due to widespread opposition to such a move among the Arab public.
“You’ve got Saudi Arabia keenly protecting those interests,” said Ibish. “They would be compromised to some extent by recognition [of Israel].”
With Israel refusing to consider a two-state solution with the Palestinians, Ibish believes it’s unlikely that Saudi Arabia will normalize ties with the Jewish state. Nonetheless, Trump remains hopeful.
“I think that they’re going to all go in very soon,” the US leader told Fox News on Friday. “Wouldn’t it be nice?”
Egypt's path to economic stability with Rania Al-Mashat
As a landmark Gaza ceasefire reshapes Middle East stability, what does it mean for Egypt’s growth outlook?
Egypt’s Minister of Planning, Economic Development, and International Cooperation, Rania Al-Mashat tells GZERO’s Tony Maciulis the deal is “a monumental moment” and durable. “There’s no development without stability and peace,” she says, citing urgent Gaza reconstruction.
Despite recent changes, Egypt achieved a 5% economic growth, fueled by strategic reforms and a robust tourism sector. Highlighting progress, Al-Mashat shared Egypt's success in attracting over $17 billion in private sector investment, focusing on key industries like ICT and manufacturing. She notes, “Our economy has been rebounding, recovering very steadily.”
This conversation is presented by GZERO in partnership with Microsoft.. The Global Stage series convenes global leaders for critical discussions on the geopolitical and technological trends shaping our world.
Released hostage Evyatar David, who was kidnapped during the deadly October 7, 2023 attack by Hamas and taken to Gaza, reacts upon arrival at the site of Rabin Medical Center-Beilinson Hospital, in Petah Tikva, Israel, on October 13, 2025.
What We’re Watching: Israeli hostages return home, China snaps back at Trump’s tariff threat, Madagascar’s president flees the country
The Israeli hostages are finally home – but what next for Gaza?
After two years in Hamas captivity, the last 20 living Israeli hostages – all of them men – have returned home from Gaza, sparking jubilant scenes both for the families and across the Jewish state. US President Donald Trump touted their return during a speech to the Knesset, declaring that Israel was “at peace.” As part of the deal, Israel released over 1,900 Palestinian prisoners. Though the ceasefire is holding in Gaza, there remains a huge amount of uncertainty over the fate of the enclave and its management, as thousands of Palestinians return home to destroyed neighborhoods. Hamas is reappearing on Gazan streets, and has been clashing with rival Palestinian clans in recent days – with dozens killed. Under Trump’s 20-point peace plan, Hamas will have no role in Gaza’s future, yet the US president said over the weekend that the militant group has “approval for a period of time” to run security there. But for how long?
China hits back following Trump’s tariff threat
There might be a ceasefire in Gaza, but the US-China trade war is heating up again, as Beijing pledged to hit back at Washington should Trump follow through with his Friday threat to impose 100% tariffs on Chinese goods. The US president is trying to bring the temperature down again, saying on social media yesterday that he doesn’t want to “hurt” China. He also appeared to retract his threat to cancel his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping later this month in South Korea. Markets swung wildly over the weekend and into Monday amid the latest war of words between the world’s two biggest superpowers.
Madagascar’s president flees the country
Madagascar’s President Andry Rajoelina fled the country on Monday, after the elite CAPSAT military unit joined the Gen-Z led protests that have raged across the country since September. CAPSAT further announced that they are taking over the army. The protests began over water and electricity shortages but have spiraled into grievances like corruption and quality of life. CAPSAT brought Rajoelina to power in a 2009 coup, but on Saturday announced that it would not shoot on the protesters and escorted them into the capital’s main square. The toppling of Madagascar’s government opens questions of who will lead the country next, and mirrors recent protests against ruling elites in countries like Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco.Trump brokers peace: Hostages freed and guns fall silent in Gaza
A landmark moment in the Middle East: All 20 remaining Israeli hostages held by Hamas have been released, and a ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas has been signed—brokered by President Trump.
Ian Bremmer calls it “a big win” for the president. “He had leverage, and he used it,” Ian says. “It’s much better to say your president succeeded than failed—and this is a success.”
The deal, backed by Egypt, Turkey, and Gulf states, halts two years of fighting. But as Ian notes, “lasting peace will depend on reconstruction, governance, and whether both sides can hold to their word.”
Can Israel become a "super-Sparta?"
Israel is stronger than ever militarily—and more isolated than ever diplomatically.
As Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu doubles down on the war in Gaza and rejects outside pressure, longtime allies are starting to walk away. Japan, Italy, and France have announced arms embargoes. The EU is proposing partial trade sanctions. Even Netanyahu himself admits Israel is entering a “kind of isolation” that could last for years.
His solution? Turn Israel into a “super-Sparta”—a self-reliant, hyper-militarized economy capable of standing alone. In the latest edition of Ian Explains, Bremmer breaks down whether that’s a viable strategy or just political defiance. With Israel’s economy slowing to its weakest growth rate in decades, global investment pulling back, and international condemnation mounting, the costs are starting to show.
And while US support remains strong for now, Trump’s pivot to Gulf states like Saudi Arabia and Qatar signals that even Washington’s patience may have limits. Can Israel afford to go it alone? Or will the pressure—economic, political, and strategic—force a shift in course? The coming months may decide just how much isolation Israel can sustain.
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How Oct. 7 has transformed Israel, Palestine, and the world
Two years ago today, Hamas launched a surprise attack on Israel, killing 1,200 people and taking 250 hostages. In response, Israel has carried out a military campaign that has demolished 78% of the Gaza Strip, and killed 66,000 Palestinians according to local health authorities.
The Oct. 7, 2023 attacks fundamentally transformed Israel, Palestine, and the world in ways that will persist for years — regardless of whether Donald Trump's current peace negotiations succeed. Here's what has changed and what lies ahead.
How Israel Has Changed
The attacks triggered a dramatic shift in Israeli politics. "It's galvanized the entirety of Israeli public opinion and shifted it much further to the right than anything that we've seen in recent years," explains Eurasia Group Middle East expert Firas Maksad.
This shift has effectively ended any prospect for a two-state solution. Support among Israelis for expanding control over Palestinian territories and increasing settlements has surged from 34% to 47% since Oct. 2024, according to the Jerusalem based Jewish People Policy Institute.
Another significant change – prospects for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's political future. Before the Oct. 7 attacks he seemed doomed amid mass protests over his attempts to control the courts. He was also facing corruption charges. The Oct. 7 attacks, and the subsequent war in Gaza, quickly shifted the focus elsewhere. But Netanyahu’s position is still fraught. Anger and protests over the failure to bring home the hostages have been steadily rising. His coalition depends on ultra far-right parties that oppose the Trump-brokered peace plan and are even more militant than Netanyahu. And those corruption charges are still hanging over him. The majority of Israelis believe he is responsible for the security failures on Oct. 7 and want him to resign.
His political fate now hinges on the ceasefire negotiations, Maksad says. If ceasefire talks collapse in the first phase – after hostages are released but before Israel withdraws – his coalition could survive. But full implementation of the pact would likely lead to his government collapsing. If he falls out of power he would lose immunity to corruption charges. It’s possible he could still work out a clemency deal, Maksad believes, that would allow him to "ride into the sunset, having cemented his legacy by defeating Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran."
How Palestine Has Changed
Gaza's destruction defies comprehension. Beyond the 78% of buildings destroyed, the territory has lost 98.5% of its cropland and 90% of its schools. Hamas is unlikely to return to political power any time soon. "They have proven inept and they have delivered little but misery and death to the Palestinian people," Maksad observes.
Hamas appears willing to relinquish governance to a third-party, but balks at Trump's proposal for international trusteeship to oversee Gaza. As Maksad explains, accepting outside control "runs against the grain of everything Hamas stands for" as an organization claiming to fight for Palestinian liberation.
However, the Palestinian Center for Policy and Research found that a plurality of Gazans expected Hamas to remain in control of the strip after the war, though 40% supported the Palestinian Authority taking the reins. Two-thirds of those surveyed opposed the idea of an Arab security deployment like the one proposed in Trump’s plan. This suggests that further tensions over Gaza’s governance lie on the horizon as peace talks advance.
The West Bank faces its own crisis, with violence by armed Jewish settlers against Palestinians – often with the tacit support of the state – surging since Oct. 7. Settlements are expanding, the IDF has increased its incursions into the West Bank significantly, and five of 21 Israel’s cabinet ministers are now West Bank settlers, despite settlers comprising only 5% of Israel's population. The Palestinian Authority, starved of tax revenues by Israel, teeters on collapse.
How the Region Has Changed
Israel's military successes have dramatically reshuffled regional power dynamics. Iran's influence has crumbled as Israeli strikes have decimated two key parts of Tehran’s proxy network — Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon – and inflicted significant damage on a third: the Houthi rebels in Yemen.
Yet Israel's growing belligerence – Netanyahu proudly boasts of fighting a war “on seven fronts” – has strained the country’s burgeoning ties with the Gulf Arab monarchies and prompted new security relationships in the region. Following Israeli attacks on Qatar, Saudi Arabia announced a mutual defense pact with nuclear-armed Pakistan. Meanwhile Egypt and Turkey, despite ideological differences, are conducting joint naval exercises in the Eastern Mediterranean — a clear warning to Israel.
The Abraham Accords – a 2020 Trump brokered deal to normalize relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates – now hang in the balance. After the Qatar strikes earlier this month, UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan reportedly had a "screaming match" with Netanyahu, warning that such actions undermined the Abraham Accords. Trump's subsequent security guarantees to Qatar, following Israel’s airstrikes on Hamas leaders there, reflect his determination to not only preserve one of the crowning foreign policy achievements of his first term, but according to Maksad, “his future plans to expand them through Saudi-Israeli normalization.”
How the US-Israel Relationship Has Changed
American attitudes toward the Israeli government have shifted dramatically, with a new New York Times/Siena University poll revealing that the plurality of Americans believe the Israeli military is intentionally killing civilians. For the first time since the survey began in 1998, more Americans sympathize with Palestinians than Israelis.
This decline in support among the US public mirrors a broader turn against Israel internationally, which was on stark display at the UN General Assembly last month, when representatives of 50 nations walked out ahead of Netanyahu’s speech. Israel's international isolation — Maksad calls it the worst "since its creation in 1948" — has made it even more dependent on Washington. The $22 billion in US aid since October 7 has been essential to Israel's military operations.
"Bibi is so beholden to Donald Trump and can't afford to be on the other side of him," Maksad concludes. This dependency may force Netanyahu to accept ceasefire terms he finds deeply uncomfortable – like language about a pathway towards a Palestinian state and Gaza being eventually reunited with the West Bank. And Trump has shown new willingness to constrain Israeli actions, forcefully rejecting West Bank annexation plans and prohibiting Palestinian displacement from Gaza.
Whether the ceasefire talks will be successful remains to be seen. But one thing is for sure two years into the war. "It's been a sea change,” says Maksad. “There is no going back to the Pre-Oct. 7 reality anytime soon."
PUPPET REGIME: Netanyahu forced to apologize to Qatar
How it actually went down. #PUPPETREGIME
Watch more PUPPET REGIME!
Israel is facing real consequences over Gaza annexation plans
“The UAE saying they’d leave the Abraham accords … that’s a consequence that matters,” Ian notes.
President Trump has also called West Bank annexation a “red line,” while European nations weigh boycotts, visa restrictions, and other steps that could leave Israelis feeling isolated. All this has the potential to undermine Netanyahu’s upcoming election chances.
“The elections won’t be about a Palestinian state, but they might be about Israel’s isolation.”