Trending Now
We have updated our Privacy Policy and Terms of Use for Eurasia Group and its affiliates, including GZERO Media, to clarify the types of data we collect, how we collect it, how we use data and with whom we share data. By using our website you consent to our Terms and Conditions and Privacy Policy, including the transfer of your personal data to the United States from your country of residence, and our use of cookies described in our Cookie Policy.
{{ subpage.title }}
What We're Watching: Erdogan's diplomacy, carnage at Kabul mosque, US-Taiwan trade talks
Erdogan is everywhere
Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been very busy this week. On Thursday, he flew to Lviv to meet with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and UN Secretary-General António Guterres, the Turkish president’s first visit to Ukraine since Russia’s war began six months ago. Erdogan, who has tried to position himself as an elder statesman and mediator between Kyiv and Moscow, vowed to help rebuild Ukrainian infrastructure just weeks after brokering a deal with Russia to resume Ukrainian grain exports from Black Sea ports amid a global food crisis. The trio also discussed efforts to secure a contested nuclear power plant in southern Ukraine. This comes a week after Erdogan held a face-to-face with Vladimir Putin in Sochi, Russia, where they pledged to boost energy cooperation. What’s more, Erdogan’s Ukraine trip came just one day after Ankara announced it was restoring full diplomatic ties with Israel. Indeed, Erdogan is looking to get wins wherever he can as he tries to divert attention from Ankara’s deepening economic woes. In a move that made many economists shudder, Turkey’s central bank on Thursday further slashed interest rates to 13% despite the fact that inflation has topped a whopping 80%. Loosening monetary policy to boost growth has long been Erdogan’s shtick, but as a cost of living crisis continues to hurt Turks, his ruling party is falling in the polls less than a year out from elections.
Worshippers killed in Kabul
At least 21 Afghans were killed, and scores more injured, in a blast on Wednesday night at a mosque in Kabul while worshippers were engaged in evening prayers. Though no group has taken responsibility for the carnage, it is thought to be the work of ISIS-K, an offshoot of the broader Islamic State movement that expanded to Central Asia in 2015 and was responsible for a deadly attack on American troops amid the US withdrawal from Afghanistan last summer. Over the past year, ISIS-K has been intent on antagonizing the Taliban, which it says insufficiently enforces Sharia law (the two groups have also clashed over territory in the past). This attack also comes weeks after the Taliban labeled ISIS-K “a false sect,” banning Afghans from interacting with the group. Some analysts say that Afghanistan has recorded fewer violent incidents over the past year, in part because US forces are no longer targeting Taliban strongholds. But it's unlikely that many Afghans caught in the crossfires of this deadly battle for influence — in addition to a growing humanitarian crisis — feel the same way.
US-Taiwan trade talks
The US and Taiwan will hold formal trade talks in the fall, Washington announced two weeks after US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's uber-controversial trip to the self-governing island sparked a furious response from China. Details are vague, but so far the discussions will focus on boosting digital and agriculture trade, anti-corruption standards, and a range of other issues. Taiwan sold almost $66 billion worth of goods in 2021 to the US, which is Taipei’s second-biggest market after China. But the island is far more dependent on trade with the mainland, which along with Hong Kong accounts for more than 40% of Taiwanese exports. The US, for its part, is keen to deepen economic ties with Taiwan as it tries to expand its influence in the Asia Pacific. Additionally, Washington is very hungry for one thing that Taiwan makes a lot of: semiconductors. Although the CHIPS Act recently signed into law by President Joe Biden aims to boost domestic manufacturing of the tech, the US will still need lots of Taiwanese-made semiconductors in the near term. China, for its part, blasted the talks, warning the US not to undermine Beijing’s “core interests.” While the US maintains robust ties with Taiwan, it does not formally recognize its independence from the mainland.
Biden's mistakes in Afghanistan were not "dereliction of duty"
In his latest Washington Post op-ed, Marc Thiessen makes strong statements about how and why the Taliban came to take control of Kabul. There have been big mistakes in executing this exit. But "dereliction of duty?" Not in our view. Ian Bremmer and Eurasia Group analyst Charles Dunst explain why in this edition of The Red Pen.
Today we're taking our Red Pen to a recent op-ed from the Washington Post written by Marc Thiessen, a Post columnist, American Enterprise Institute fellow, and former speechwriter for President George W. Bush. It's titled, "Greenlighting the Taliban's takeover of Kabul is a national disgrace," and makes some strong statements about how and why the Taliban came to take control of Afghanistan's capital city. I want to unpack some of his arguments for you and explain why we disagree. So, let's get out the Red Pen.
First, Thiessen argues that "all the horrors the world witnessed over the past two weeks…might have been prevented" had the United States opted to take over Kabul, rather than letting the Taliban do so.
Let's remember: "The enemy gets a vote." Thiessen is comparing the real world, with all of its unpredictability, to a counterfactual one where everything goes according to (his) plan. Even if the horrors he cited had been averted, wouldn't others have unfolded? Putting thousands of Americans back on Kabul's streets would have meant putting them in the crosshairs of terrorist groups like ISIS-K. Do we believe these groups wouldn't have targeted Americans in Kabul with suicide bombings, like the recent airport attack, or even engage them in firefights? Biden had to decide between two unpalatable options. He chose the one he believed would put the fewest Americans in harm's way.
Next, Thiessen cites a former American senior general officer to argue that the "US military could definitely have secured the capital"––at least the green zone where Western embassies are located, plus access to the airport.
For starters, Thiessen bases his argument on the views of one "former senior general officer" whose identity we don't know. How widely shared are those views among current military officials? If the 20-year war has taught us anything, it should be some caution before arguing the United States could secure a city of over six million people indefinitely with a few thousand troops. Before leaving office, the Trump administration brought US troop numbers in Afghanistan to just 2,500, a 19-year low. By the end of July 2021, only 650 remained. Taking over Kabul would've required something politically incredibly challenging: a substantial troop surge that would've put more Americans in danger. Thiessen doesn't explicitly call for a surge, but the upshot of his critique is clear enough. There's an argument for a surge (even if politically very unpopular), he should tell us how many additional troops we would have to send in and for how long to hold onto a city the United States had already lost.
Thiessen also calls the Biden administration's decision to "cede" Kabul to the Taliban "a dereliction of duty unlike any we have seen in modern times."
Keep in mind it was Trump, not Biden, who went over the Afghan government's head back in February 2020 to negotiate with the Taliban and agree to remove all US troops from the country. There were US political considerations for doing so, I get it. But from that point, the Taliban's takeover of Kabul had, at that point, become a foregone conclusion
Next point: Thiessen writes that the administration's withdrawal "put the safety of American civilians, service members and Afghan allies in the hands of terrorists" — referring to the Taliban — "rather than the U.S. armed forces" and "led directly to the deaths of 13 Americans in an Islamic State attack on the Kabul airport."
Earlier, though, he almost presents the Taliban as an organization whose word General McKenzie should've trusted: "[T]he Taliban offered to allow the US military to take responsibility for security in Kabul — but we declined." What makes him believe a terrorist organization intent on retaking power would honor a pledge to allow US forces to secure the capital city? Which Taliban is it?
Finally, Thiessen concludes by arguing that Biden's decision to let the Taliban take over Kabul "led directly to the deaths of 13 Americans in an Islamic State attack on the Kabul airport."
Harrowing as the images coming out of Afghanistan are, Biden had decided to not risk even more US lives in the war's twilight. Staying at the airport and trying to hold onto Kabul for a few more weeks would have helped the United States evacuate more Afghan partners, but it would also have risked the lives of thousands of US soldiers.
One thing I think many of us agree on — this has been a sad and embarrassing ending to the 20-year war in Afghanistan. We've left countless Afghan allies behind, despite promising them safe passage. August's events will no doubt cast an added shadow of grief over the coming anniversary of the 9/11 attacks. The Biden team certainly made mistakes in executing this exit. But "dereliction of duty?" No, not in my view.
- Afghanistan: Four key failures - GZERO Media ›
- Can Biden recover from his Afghanistan debacle? - GZERO Media ›
- The US couldn't have won in Afghanistan - but Biden's mistakes lost ... ›
- Biden's speech on Afghanistan ignores serious failures; Afghan ... ›
- Calamitous withdrawal from Afghanistan was a crisis of Biden’s own making - GZERO Media ›
Kabul attack poses political risks for Biden
Get insights on the latest news in US politics from Jon Lieber, head of Eurasia Group's coverage of political and policy developments in Washington:
How will the Kabul airport attack influence the US evacuations?
Well, so far it looks like President Biden is on track to keep the August 31st deadline for evacuating, for finishing evacuations and leaving Afghanistan fully. However, there's still somewhere in the range of about a thousand American citizens, plus potentially tens of thousands of special immigrant visa holders who are Afghani citizens that helped the United States, that could potentially be left behind because of this expedited withdrawal schedule. This is a real risk for Biden.
On the one hand, if he decides to double down on getting every single American out, he's going to have to commit more troops to going back into Afghanistan. And that potentially exposes them to the risk of further attacks from ISIS or other hostile forces inside Afghanistan. If, on the other hand, he does, in fact, stick to this August 31st deadline, these Americans that are left behind could become potential years' worth of propaganda victories for terrorists acting inside Afghanistan, which over time would compound to be a major domestic weakness for President Biden.
So he's really left with a set of bad options here. And long-term risk to Biden is that the American people start to see what happened in Afghanistan and see incompetence across the federal government, which could be a real drag for him personally and also for Democrats in next year's midterm elections. It probably results in a rally 'round the flag effect whereby Democrats are eager, more eager, even more eager than they are today to push forward legislation such as the $3.5 trillion spending bill that they're trying to do. And it also probably makes Biden a little bit more risk averse, unwilling to deal with controversial social issues at the risk of alienating independents. But this is going to be a major story, even though the American people largely support the evacuation of Afghanistan and the ending of the war, images from Afghanistan and images of the Americans left behind could potentially haunt Biden for the rest of his presidency.
- ISIS-K wreaks havoc in Afghanistan - GZERO Media ›
- US global power remains strong, despite Afghanistan mistakes ... ›
- The Graphic Truth: Whose troops are still in Afghanistan? - GZERO ... ›
- Biden alone on Afghanistan? 5 key reasons - GZERO Media ›
- What to expect at the Biden-Bennett meeting at the White House ... ›
Afghan carnage
Thursday marked the deadliest day for US troops in Afghanistan in a decade. Twin explosions were reported outside Kabul's airport, killing dozens of people, including at least 90 Afghans and 13 US service members — the first US military deaths in the country since February 2020. Details are still coming to light, but harrowing images have been circulating online, showing pools of blood on the outskirts of the airport and desperate Afghans scurrying to get medical care.
Who's responsible? The explosions, which included at least one suicide bombing, were not carried out by the Taliban, who took control of the country two weeks ago and are closely coordinating with the US military to wrap up the evacuation effort so they can get back to the business of governing by fear. Rather, the blasts were the work of ISIS-K (K stands for Khorasan, a region that includes northeastern Iran, southern Turkmenistan and northern Afghanistan), an offshoot of the broader Islamic State movement that expanded to Central Asia in 2015.
Although ISIS-K and the Taliban are both hardline Sunni Islamist groups (Sunnis often unite against common Shia foes) they are sworn enemies: the former includes a ragtag group of fighters including some Taliban defectors, and is thought to be even more draconian than the Taliban, rejecting all political proposals and believing only in the extreme enforcement of sharia law. While ISIS-K wants to form a caliphate, it has never captured swathes of land in Afghanistan, so it has sought to project strength by waging terror on the Afghan people (it was responsible for a particularly gruesome attack in May on an all-girls school in Kabul).
What does this mean for the withdrawal? Well, it's certainly not good. Already in the lead-up to the attack, foreign governments began suspending evacuation flights, some indefinitely. Germany and France, for instance, announced that they were wrapping up their rescue missions for good.
For the US, meanwhile, which is responsible for security at the interior of Kabul's airport, Thursday's attacks significantly obscured the withdrawal mission, which President Biden still says should be completed by August 31 and won't leave any US nationals behind who want to leave. But as the security situation deteriorates at the airport, and in Kabul more broadly, it's becoming less likely that the US will be able to airlift around 1,500 US nationals who remain in Afghanistan by next Tuesday, or the hundreds of thousands of Afghans who helped the US mission over the past two decades. And there's no indication that the US will extend its mission beyond that date. One former official told the Washington Post that "while it is likely to be denied publicly, the terrorist attack is also likely to mark the de facto end of the formal US-led noncombatant evacuation operation."
How might the US respond? Given that the whole point of the hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan was for Biden to honor his campaign pledge of ending "forever wars," it has seemed extremely unlikely that the US would take any actions that further entrench its troops in Afghanistan or jeopardize the evacuation effort — until now.
A deadly attack on US troops is not something that the Biden administration can let slide. If — as US intelligence warns — more attacks are imminent, Biden might be forced to hit terrorist targets in Afghanistan, precisely the sort of military escalation that he has desperately tried to avoid.
What does this mean for the Taliban? While the Taliban are surely not mourning the loss of American or Afghan lives, they are likely furious that ISIS-K is undermining their authority just days into the group's new gig. ISIS-K boasts just 1,500-2,200 fighters, not enough to pose a serious threat to the Taliban's rule, but this week's events show that it could certainly be a massive thorn in the Taliban's side as they try to get to the business of actually governing. Indeed, this could also have the effect of further radicalizing the Taliban as they try to contain their dogged rivals and prevent defections.
It also massively complicates already-precarious US-Taliban relations. The Pentagon is intent on getting to the bottom of how ISIS fighters managed to get through checkpoints controlled by the Taliban, who man the airport's exterior. "We share a common purpose," a Pentagon spokesperson said after the attacks Thursday, warning that cooperation with the Taliban would last so long as they continue to share a core mutual interest: getting the US out of Afghanistan.
- Where will Afghan refugees go? - GZERO Media ›
- Don't blame Afghan army for Taliban takeover: Pashtana Durrani ... ›
- What does a Taliban takeover of Afghanistan actually mean ... ›
- Afghanistan: Four key failures - GZERO Media ›
- Can Biden recover from his Afghanistan debacle? - GZERO Media ›
- The US is out of Afghanistan, but the war on terror isn't over - GZERO Media ›
- Is the US safer from terrorism 20 years after 9/11? - GZERO Media ›
- How will the Taliban handle ISIS and other terrorist groups? - GZERO Media ›