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From D-Day to E-Day: Legacy of the Longest Day
At 5:52 a.m. on June 6, 1944, Private First Class Gene Sellers, a high-school football star who had just received a scholarship to play at the University of Arkansas, leaped from a plane to parachute behind Nazi lines in Normandy, France. As part of the Pathfinder unit, Sellers’ job was to set up a covert radio and communications base to help guide the rest of the American troops who would follow hours later as part of Operation Overlord. Tragically, Sellers drifted too far behind enemy lines and was spotted and killed, becoming the first American casualty of D-Day.
Later that morning, on a nearby strip of coastline, Jim Parks,of the Royal Winnipeg Rifles, joined 21,000 other Canadians attempting to land at Juno Beach. They immediately came under heavy German fire, and Parks had to jump into the ocean.
“I was a mortar carrier,” Parks says in a remarkable video you can watch at the Juno Beach Centre. Weighed down by all his equipment, Parks thought he would drown, but somehow he managed to swim to shore. Once there, however, he had to go back into the heaving ocean and drag out the bodies of men who’d been shot in the first minutes of the operation. There were 359 Canadians among the 4,000 Allied troops who made the ultimate sacrifice on that day.
The 80th anniversary of D-Day is being marked today by world leaders, including President Joe Biden and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, both of whom are in France alongside the very few remaining veterans who witnessed the carnage.
This anniversary is particularly resonant as the West questions whether the alliances that have supported the world for 80 years are coming to an end. Will Election Day in the US lead to a Trump administration that backs out of NATO and moves toward realigning the global order around a new American isolationism?
On the one hand, NATO has never been stronger. With the additions of Sweden and Finland, the alliance that started with just 12 countries is now 32 members strong. The Russian invasion of Ukraine two years ago has reanimated the purpose of NATO and the need to protect and defend democracies. By that measure, alliances are stronger and more relevant than ever.
On the other hand, populist forces in the US are engaged in what might well be called “Operation Undermine”: an effort to defund NATO altogether. This week, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA) got the support of 46 Republican members for her “Defund NATO” amendment to the Military Construction and Veteran Affairs appropriations bill. She sought to remove over $433 million of funding earmarked for NATO bases where US soldiers are stationed and to focus on what she calls the invasion of America on the southern border. Her amendment failed, but the effort to retreat into a radical form of US isolationism is real, robust, and ongoing.
Greene called out Canada, France, Germany, and others for failing to meet NATO’s 2% GDP defense target spending, which is a valid point. If you want insurance, you gotta pay for it.
As of this year, only 18 of the 32 countries in NATO will hit that target. Canada remains a laggard on this metric – an issue that will most certainly come up at next month’s crucial NATO summit in Washington.
This summit will mark the 75th anniversary of the alliance, and countries – including Canada – will be expected to make bigger commitments (though not enough to reach 2% in the near term) as the threats get bigger. But support will not be unanimous, and it will be interesting to see which Republicans show up and speak loudly about the importance of NATO given the fact that Donald Trump will secure the Republican nomination only days later.
Alliances, however, depend on trade as much as security. Since 1945, the small “l” liberal world order has been stitched together by global trade agreements; treaties on nuclear arms, space, AI, and climate; and myriad other issues. It has worked to achieve a period of peace and prosperity. But those structures are under threat by demagogues and isolationists who ignore their rules altogether.
The efficacy of the EU was deeply challenged by Brexit, while in North America, the next big challenge will be the 2026 renegotiation of the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement on trade. If Trump is elected in November, he could rip it up, shredding a key alliance, hurting economic growth with tariffs, and sowing more distrust. Tariffs are always challenging to the global economy as they protect local industries but generally make goods more expensive and hurt local productivity. They also undermine global trade treaties.
That is why next week, Eurasia Group, GZERO’s parent company, and the Bank of Montreal are co-hosting a nonpartisan summit in Toronto, where they will take a deep dive into the US-Canada alliance on everything from trade and security resources to climate. This is the biggest trading relationship in the world, and ensuring that it is not disrupted is crucial for the prosperity of citizens in both countries. We will have a full report on the substance of next week’s US-Canada summit, including what guests from across the political spectrum had to say, in this newsletter.
D-Day is a reminder that alliances like ours are hard-won, obtained through the blood of people like Gene Sellers and seared in the memory of veterans like Jim Parks. Alliances like NATO allowed us all to secure our freedoms, turn former enemies into allies, and create an unprecedented period of prosperity and peace. They inspire generations of people to make sacrifices for the greater good and for the values we cherish in democracies. Those are all under threat, and today of all days, we might want to think twice before throwing away the rewards of D-Day for the politics of E-Day.
D-Day in 2024: Is it even possible?
A few days before US President Joe Biden arrived on the beaches of Normandy to commemorate the 80th anniversary of D-Day, a smaller war erupted on the GZERO office Slack channels.
“It’s impossible to imagine us launching something like D-Day again,” I wrote in our group channel. “Skepticism of foreign intervention is too high. The Forever Wars are too recent. Our society is too polarized. No way our leaders could get enough people to support it.”
But my colleague Matt Kendrick, one of the most thoughtful and historically minded guys you’ll ever meet – the guy can reliably write 1,000 (legit fascinating) words about how some obscure naval battle actually shaped our world more than the steam engine and the internet combined – pushed back on me.
“I think this is counterfactual and navel-gazey,” he wrote. “In 1939, the US was politically and militarily incapable of pulling off a D-Day. Five years later they did it. In 2024, meanwhile, we have the most powerful military in world history, and we rarely base national security decisions on public opinion.”
Those are fighting words! You leave my navel out of this!
But since we had a good little Slack argument about it, I wanted to reproduce a bit of it here as my column for this week, since I think we touched on a lot of important issues about US military power, social polarization, and foreign policy priorities.
So, first, just to set the parameters: There are, of course, no direct parallels today with the situation in France in 1944. With the exception of Eurovision season, there’s no interstate conflict in Western Europe anymore.
To imagine a comparable situation entailing the massive mobilization of American troops to defend a reasonably close partner that another great power rival has invaded, the most likely candidate is a Chinese invasion of, say, Taiwan or the Philippines. Russia testing NATO resolve with a shot at Poland could also probably fit the bill, though there was no NATO in 1944, so let’s be deliberately vague with our navel-gazing counterfactuals.
I opened with the observation that America is now a deeply polarized country that has a hard time agreeing on anything. That includes fairly frivolous things like whether to take pickleball seriously (jury out), or did Kendrick crush Drake (yes, hands down), but also basic things like “Who won the last election?” or “Is the justice system rigged?”
But one thing we do seem to agree on is that we don’t want more foreign wars these days. A national security theme of (at least) the last four US presidents has been how the US remains the global policeman without deploying more global policemen.
Only a quarter of Americans want a more active role in global affairs, and 40% want a less active one, according to a new poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. We’ve spent years investing in military technologies meant to minimize the need for human combatants – in part to insulate foreign policy from public opinion opposed to foreign wars.
Does this feel like a society that would put hundreds of thousands of lives on the line tens of thousands of miles away? I can’t see it.
Matt countered: “This is a good summary of US opinion in 1939 as well!”
He’s right about this. As late as January 1940, nearly 90% of Americans opposed intervention in Europe to defeat Nazi Germany. And barely a year and a half later, the numbers were flipped – after the UK heroically resisted the Germans (on the beaches! the landing grounds! the streets! the fields! the valleys!), the US imposed a draft, and the government got to work drumming up support for entering the war – and 70% of Americans favored fighting in Europe. Things change. Societies can be convinced to act.
Sure I shot back, but the polarization and fragmentation of the media and information space today makes it far harder to develop the critical mass of public consensus that you’d need (or at least want) to support a massive foreign invasion today. The days when a well-struck Fireside Chat could set a nationwide agenda are long gone.
Matt responded: “I think you’re overlooking the ways that technological change actually serves government propaganda equally effectively. Think about the immense effort that went into building public support for Word War II, and then think about how much more effectively similar efforts would be when everyone carries a personal tracking and advertising device in their pockets at all times.”
Hmm ...I thought: “Given the reach of tech companies, I suppose it would take only modest collusion between Washington and Silicon Valley to drive things in a very Orwellian direction. But I don’t know: Washington did its best to shape the messaging around the pandemic, and we still got lots of countervailing views ranging from reasonable to insane, all of which were highly politicized. Why would a question of war be any different? Is an Iraq-war style drum-up really conceivable in 2024?”
Matt continued with: “I firmly believe that if Americans were watching, for example, Chinese missiles rain down on, say, Seoul, Tokyo, and Taipei for six months while reading stories about Chinese atrocities and being fed nationalist propaganda, we'd see overwhelming support for a draft and war against China.”
Hold up. I point out that we have been watching Russia rain missiles down on Ukraine and commit all manner of atrocities for two years now, and that America is pretty divided even on arm’s-length support for Kyiv and there is almost no appetite at all for sending US troops into Ukraine. This tells you everything you need to know.
But Matt wasn’t buying it. He countered with: “55% of Americans say they support Ukraine in retaking its territory, and about 40% (and rising) say we aren’t doing enough. Opposition to that is an extremist position that has more to do with House GOP dynamics than broad public opinion.”
Ultimately, our disagreement goes to something deeper. Launching a major war, in a democracy at least, requires social consensus. Matt sees that consensus as being within reach if the circumstances arise. I see a society so fragmented and polarized that this is much harder – for better or worse – to achieve in 2024 than in 1939 or 1944.
But are we even asking the right question? Maybe not! After getting wind of the great Kendrick-Kliment debate, our colleague Ari Winkleman, who runs the GZERO design team, quietly dropped this little gem into the chat:
What do you think? Could US society in 2024 be convinced to support a massive foreign war again? What would it take?
Write to us here. Include your name and location and we might run your thoughts in an upcoming edition of the GZERO Daily.