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Israelis hold up photos of dead children in Gaza at demonstration in Tel Aviv, May 7th, 2025.
Israelis hold vigils for children killed in Gaza as government expands war
Tom Zandman, a 36-year-old Jewish Israeli from Jaffa, was once a staunch supporter of Israel’s war in Gaza. But now he says there’s nothing defensible or defensive about it. On a busy street corner during rush hour in Tel Aviv last week, Zandman was one of dozens of Israelis standing on the roadside, all holding photos of children killed in Gaza.
“After October 7th, we were all super high on our sense of self-righteousness,” Zandman told me, holding up a photo of two young girls who were killed. “But as time went on, I realized how historic this was… what we are doing in Gaza will be remembered as one of the worst atrocities of the 21st century.”
A car slowed down as it approached the demonstration. The driver honked his horn and rolled down the window. “yamuutuu kuulam!” screamed a woman in the passenger seat at the demonstrators. “Kill them all” in Hebrew.
Most anti-war activism in Israel has focused on demanding a ceasefire deal that would secure the release of the hostages. But an increasing number of Israelis are now taking to the streets to protest against what they view as criminal conduct from the Israeli military in Gaza. These demonstrations are now happening multiple times a week in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. Thousands of Israelis marched to the Gaza border on Sunday demanding an end to the war.
As of May 5 2025, 16,278 children and 52,653 people in total have been killed in Gaza since Oct. 7 2023, according to the Palestinian health ministry. Critics argue these figures are unreliable as they come from a ministry in a Hamas-led government. But a recent analysis published in The Economist, along with a peer-reviewed article in the medical journal The Lancet, suggests the true death figures in Gaza could be much higher.
“I have a son who was born nine months ago. And I have this sense that he was born with a Gaza-shaped birthmark on his forehead — a mark of Cain,” Zandman said. The mark of Cain, from the Book of Genesis, is a sign God gave Cain to protect him after he killed his brother Abel.
“I have this sense that my son will walk around the world as an Israeli with that thing on his forehead. Germans live in this sense of eternal apology for the Holocaust, it’s going to be the same here,” he said.
The Israeli government has tried to crack down on protests like the one Zandman attended. In late April, Israeli police briefly prohibited Israelis from displaying images of Palestinian children killed in Gaza and using terms like "genocide" and "ethnic cleansing" on signs. But following public criticism and pressure from civil society groups, police rescinded the restrictions.
"I thought [the police order] was comically stupid. Trying to ban us has only had the effect of making our voices louder. The fact that they want to stop us from showing what's happening only reinforces the fact that it's happening," said Jed Silver, an American who moved to Israel at the end of last year.
Silver has been joining the demonstrations week after week. “People will come up to us and yell and curse. I think they’re just shocked, and there’s just a lot of unwillingness to accept that this is what their country is doing,” he said.
A woman named Maya Darnell got in between another honking motorist and the demonstrators. She’s an organizer with Standing Together, a grassroots organization that advocates social justice for all in Israel-Palestine.
“I am perpetually shocked that this is still going on. Consistently, we’ve seen that the Israeli public does not support this war or the government,” she said.
A poll from the Israel Democracy Institute in April found that 68% of Israelis believed that bringing home all the hostages was more important than toppling Hamas. Only 25% of those polled believed the latter was more important. But the Israeli government continues to defy popular opinion. On May 4th, Netanyahu’s cabinet approved a new plan to expand the war. It will see the Israeli military occupy the entirety of the Gaza Strip, flatten even larger swaths of it, and force all of Gaza’s residents into small areas in the south.
“We cannot go back to October 7. There are two main objectives before us: the return of the hostages and the defeat of Hamas,” said IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir during a visit to Gaza on Sunday.
Israel has enforced a complete blockade on humanitarian aid entering Gaza since March 2nd, following the collapse of the last ceasefire agreement. Under the new plan, Israel will renew aid to the strip, but only in designated “sterile zones.” All members of the cabinet voted in favor, except for Minister of National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir, who wished to see all remaining humanitarian aid depots destroyed by Israeli forces.
Shortly after the plan was approved on May 5th, Netanyahu released a video statement saying that the purpose of the operation was not for Israeli forces to launch raids into Gaza and then retreat, but to establish a “sustained presence.” He also said the population would be relocated “for its own protection.”
“Gaza will be entirely destroyed, civilians will be sent to the south to a humanitarian zone without Hamas or terrorism, and from there they will start to leave in great numbers to third countries,” Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said at a press conference on May 6th.
On May 16, NBC News reported that the Trump administration was developing a plan to force more than one million Gazans into Libya, citing five people with knowledge of the matter. The plan is reportedly under serious enough consideration for it to have been discussed with Libyan leadership. But following publication of the report, a government spokesperson told NBC News, “these reports are untrue.”
Other countries like Indonesia and Jordan have already been accepting very small numbers of Gazans for medical treatment, but have outright rejected their resettlement. No country has agreed to participate in the forced displacement and relocation of large numbers of Gazans.
The intensification of Israel’s campaign in Gaza has also drawn significant ire from world leaders. Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez has since labelled Israel a genocidal state. German Chancellor Olaf Sholz stated that any resettlement plans involving the expulsion of Gaza's citizens are "unacceptable." And President Donald Trump has acknowledged that “people are starving” in Gaza, as he skipped Israel on his visit to the Middle East.
Zandman fears the damage to Israel’s international reputation could be catastrophic.
“This is what being an Israeli will mean from now on. It’s not about falafel, it’s not about the high-tech industry or Jaffa. Whatever you want to think about Israel, none of that matters now. Being an Israeli is what we did in Gaza. That’s it.”
Debris of missiles spread on highway near the Ben Gurion Airport in Israel\'s Tel Aviv as it is hit by a ballistic missile launch from Houthis in Yemen on Sunday May 4, 2025.
Houthi rebels strike Tel Aviv airport, Israel expands Gaza operation
Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthi rebels launched a hypersonic ballistic missile at Tel Aviv Sunday, striking close to the main runway of Ben Gurion Airport. The strike injured four and shut down air traffic in the morning. The Houthis have repeatedly attacked Israel and maritime traffic in the Red Sea since November 2023, a month after Hamas launched its Oct. 7 attacks on Israel.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu condemned the airport strike and vowed retaliation against both the Houthis and their Iranian “masters” “at a time of [Israel’s] choosing.” Officials are investigating why the country’s Iron Dome defense system did not intercept the missile, while several airlines have suspended flights to the airport for the coming days.
A warning shot over Gaza? The strike comes the morning after the Israel Defense Forces called up tens of thousands of reservists Saturday evening to expand operations in Gaza. The mobilization is one of the largest in recent history and came after the most recent failure to secure a deal for the release of Israeli hostages and bodies of hostages still held by Hamas.
On Sunday, Netanyahu criticized Qatari mediators for not using their influence to pressure Hamas to accept the most recent hostage deal, and on Monday, Israel's Cabinet voted to ramp up the offensive against Hamas in Gaza.
Political turmoil in Israel
Ian Bremmer's Quick Take:
So much happening in the world right now. I think I want to focus in on Israel. Why? Well, because it is unprecedented in scale, the demonstrations, people's power taking to the streets, particularly in Tel Aviv. This is a population of less than 10 million in Israel, and hundreds of thousands are saying that they strongly oppose the efforts by Bibi Netanyahu and his coalition government to rest control of the judiciary, allowing the parliament to overturn judicial decisions from the Supreme Court and also allowing more control of executive appointments to Supreme Court justices. This is not just about opposition from the population at large. It's also been the Minister of Defense who publicly opposed the first cabinet official to do so, in part because large numbers of enlisted men and women are saying that they will not serve in the military if this judicial reform passes, unprecedented in a country where you have an enormous patriotism around mandatory national service that all Israeli men and women participate in.
Suddenly you've got hundreds that are saying, maybe thousands, hundreds that we know of that have said publicly that they are not prepared to serve if this goes through. You have the head of the Tel Aviv police force demonstrating publicly with the protestors yesterday. All of this has led to huge moves against the Israeli shekel, against Israeli ETFs, against the Israeli investments in the markets that we've really not seen. Usually the marketplace kind of shrugs off anything that happens in Israel or military challenges with the occupied territories, the Palestinians, even wars that we've seen historically with Syria because they think that the Israeli economy is going to power through it, not this time. And Netanyahu, we are waiting. At any moment, it looks reasonably plausible that he is going to announce a suspension of this reform.
We'll see if he makes that announcement. He's supposed to speak earlier in the day. He hasn't. I expect part of this is because he needs his entire cabinet on board. He has a relatively slim majority in the parliament, in the Knesset, only some eight seat majority total. That means his parties have four more than the majority. You already have the National Security Minister publicly saying in past hours that he would bring the government down if they were to withdraw this proposed legislation. Though you also have the judicial minister who was the author of this judicial reform saying he's prepared to support Netanyahu if he decides to go ahead and suspend. And in part, it's because of just how angry the Israeli people are. Perhaps the biggest issue here, even more than the defense minister, is the fact that the largest union in Israel has, for the first time in Israeli history, called for general strike. They have over 800,000 working members.
This is in a country again of about nine plus million. So we're talking about almost a quarter of the total workforce involved in a general strike. That means you're not getting a Big Mac today in Israel because all of the McDonald's are closed. It means that you're not leaving on a plane or going to Israel because all the airport workers are striking. Shopping centers, city hall, municipalities, you name. It is an economic suspension of activity and that can't last for long. If Netanyahu persists and decides that he's going to go ahead with this reform, it would not only be a significant erosion for Israeli democracy, but it would also be an enormous hit for the Israeli economy. So at this point, I think it's hard to imagine that he's going to do that. Of course, the other side of the coin is that if he pulls back, is he going to maintain support?
Will Likud MPs, his party all stick with them? It wouldn't take many to flip to bring the government down. Will all the remaining cabinet ministers decide that they're going to stay, including those from the hard right parties that are aligned with him necessary for this government? Where do we see the demonstrators going from here? They're very, very angry about the undermining of an independent judiciary, but they're also angry about other things. Very little in terms of the Palestinian issue that we've seen over the course of the past weeks, but a lot in terms of women's rights that also have taken a significant hit over the course of this new government and lots of other social issues that are significant to large numbers, particularly of young people in Israel today.
Ultimately, I feel more bullish about where this is going than not, and what I mean by that is Israel is a more resilient democracy than a country like Hungary, than a country like Turkey. So the ability of one leader, even though he's an enormously smart leader and very strategic, to be able to single-handedly change institutions for his benefit and undermine democracy, I suspect that Bibi is going to end up more like Bolsonaro in Brazil, more like Trump in the United States. Also, by the way, more like AMLO in Mexico, not able to do significant structural damage to these institutions and as a consequence ending up out of power.
But it's hard to bet against Bibi. This is a guy who has come back and come back and come back again. Also, Israel is a very fragmented political system. Lots and lots of political parties, lots of ways to get to a majority. And of course if Bibi's out, you could end up with yet another series of electoral cycles where Israel's not able to get a functional majority in place in parliament. So not necessarily going to be easy or strong governance in Israel anytime soon, but also Israel's democracy is not fighting for its last gasp and the people of Israel and the military of Israel showing that very clearly today.
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An aerial view of Israelis protesting in Tel Aviv as PM Benjamin Netanyahu's nationalist coalition government presses on with its judicial overhaul.
A night out on Tel Aviv’s Democracy Boulevard
I headed out Saturday night into the arid Tel Aviv night. Not knowing where I wanted to end, I followed the flapping sea of blue and white.
Throngs of people — kids, wheelchair-bound elderly, 20-somethings locked in arms — hauled Israeli flags, which in recent weeks have taken on a whole new meaning for Israelis fearful of where their country is headed. Usually waved as a symbol of national pride, the flag has morphed into an emblem of dissent.
Though spring has just landed, the air was thick in Tel Aviv. And that highlights again the idiosyncrasy of a cosmopolitan, progressive hub in the heart of the Middle East.
I followed the steady beating of drums and arrived at the recently dubbed Democracy Boulevard.
More than 200,000 people hit the streets of a cramped Tel Aviv — in addition to hundreds of thousands in cities around the country — for the twelfth week in a row to protest the Netanyahu government’s attempt to set on fire the symbiotic relationship between the Knesset, Israel’s parliament, and the Supreme Court.
Absent a formal constitution, it’s all they’ve got.
As thousands of protesters marched, sang, and chanted, a crackly version of the Declaration of Independence — recited in 1948 by David Ben Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, a kibbutznik with Albert Einstein-like hair — blasted over a loudspeaker.
The founding fathers, the background narration reminded the crowd, had vowed to “foster the development of the country for the benefit of all its inhabitants … based on freedom, justice, and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel.” The point being made was clear and direct: we’ve digressed.
But as is often the case with large, leaderless movements, the demonstrations here have at times evolved into a broad display of public rage with an unruly focus.
I encountered many women wearing fire-engine red, holding signs lamenting the perceived anti-women agenda of Israel’s most right-wing government in history.
(Just last week, the government rejected a law that would require men charged with domestic abuse from wearing ankle-tracking devices. Itamar Ben Gvir, the far-right minister responsible for law enforcement, says the law would unfairly malign men.)
On Kaplan Street, a handful of women painted the palms of their hands red, meant to represent the government’s indifference to domestic violence after five acts of femicide in 2023 alone. They stood beside makeshift coffins labeled with the names of women recently murdered by their husbands.
It was a disarming scene and I thought about Michal Sela, a young woman with milky skin and smiling eyes I once knew, who was stabbed to death in 2019 in Jerusalem. In a small country like Israel, the pervasive issue of domestic abuse hits home.
There were also other discordant agendas at the scene. A large chorus of anti-settlement protesters held signs against “Israeli apartheid,” some waving Palestinian flags. Many walked by dismissively and asked Ma hakesher? (what’s the connection)? To them, elusory chants about the occupation fail to meet this specific moment. But for others, it’s all one of the same — an asterisk hovering over Israeli democracy.
Perhaps that gets to the heart of it all: Competing visions of what Israel can — and should — be.
I approached a group of pensive-looking seniors donning shirts that read “Diplomats for democracy.” I asked them about their stories and why they were there.
Shlomo Gur, 70, is a former diplomat who represented the Israeli government in the US, South Africa, and elsewhere over a 20-year career in the foreign service. He said he “has never seen anything of this magnitude from a grassroots movement in Israel” in his entire life. Gur explained that he fears his country is “going down the drain.”
This sentiment was cross-generational. Stav Tsur, 27, said she is committed to “fighting for democracy” and against a government that she deems to be “corrupt.” Asked if she thinks protests are having any impact on government decision-making, she said that they already are,” pointing to the fact that the proposed legislation is “already moving much slower” through the Knesset than many expected.
Finally, I spoke to a female doctor wearing a religious head covering who preferred not to be named. She said she showed up as much to send a message of solidarity to her fellow citizens as to protest the government itself. “It’s important that everyone feels that lots of different people feel the same way and that we’re in this together,” she said.
I continued along Kaplan Street but turned around just before the Ayalon highway, where police were targeting protesters with water cannons. Growing more and more frustrated with a movement that won’t yield, they have used increasingly heavy-handed tactics to try to quash the group’s spirit.
The crowd showed little sign of dispersing, but my sister and husband were hungry. Time to dig into some falafel and call it a night.
Check out a few photos from the evening below.