Trending Now
We have updated our Privacy Policy and Terms of Use for Eurasia Group and its affiliates, including GZERO Media, to clarify the types of data we collect, how we collect it, how we use data and with whom we share data. By using our website you consent to our Terms and Conditions and Privacy Policy, including the transfer of your personal data to the United States from your country of residence, and our use of cookies described in our Cookie Policy.
{{ subpage.title }}
Hard Numbers: Slave labor gets free pass, China probes fried chicken blast, Fresh beef over origins of meat, Windfarms vs. farmlands, Record numbers at US-Canada border
0: Is Canada complying with its obligation, under the revamped NAFTA accords, to stop importing goods that are made with forced labor? A Politico report earlier this week suggested Canadian border services officials were starting to detain shipments from Western China, where Beijing is accused of using slave labor among the Uighur population. But the Globe and Mail reports that zero imports have so far been rejected. Of particular concern are exports of relatively inexpensive Chinese solar panels, which have helped businesses and homes wean themselves off fossil fuels without breaking the bank.
7: Speaking of China, authorities are probing the cause of a massive explosion on Thursday at a fried chicken restaurant near Beijing that left at least 7 people dead and 27 injured. The incident comes amid a big safety crackdown on restaurants following a fatal gas explosion at a barbecue restaurant last year. Crispy fact: Fried chicken is wildly popular in China – KFC was the first US fast food chain to open in China when the country opened up in 1978.
795,000: The US imports an average of about 795,000 head of cattle from Canada every year, but there’s a fresh beef this week over new meat labeling requirements in the US. The Biden administration on Monday issued new rules that permit sellers to label their products as “made in the USA” only when the animals were born, raised, slaughtered, and packaged within the 50 states. The Canadian meat industry says the new rules will depress Canadian exports and raise prices for American meat-lovers.
1: A study in Alberta has determined that even if renewable energy sources grew rapidly, they would still take up less than 1% of the sprawling province’s land two decades from now. The findings come amid a frothy local debate about the merits of giving precious farmland to cows, crops, or wind farms. The government recently imposed a moratorium on the use of any prime land for renewables until a consensus is reached.
7,000: Border patrol in the Swanton Sector, which touches the US states of New York, Vermont, and New Hampshire, arrested some 7,000 migrants trying to cross illegally into the United States last year, more than in the past 12 years combined. With so much attention on the US southern border, migrants (and human traffickers) are setting their sights up north. To put those 7,000 in perspective, in December alone, US border agents encountered 250,000 undocumented migrants entering from Mexico.Would athletes be exempt from a Beijing 2022 Olympics boycott?
Will Western nations boycott next year's Beijing Winter Olympics over China's human rights abuses in Xinjiang? Probably not, says the International Olympic Committee's Dick Pound. But some countries, he anticipates, may opt to only send their athletes — like his native Canada, which has a lot of diplomatic issues with the Chinese. Pound, a former Olympian athlete himself, spoke in an interview with Ian Bremmer on GZERO World.
Watch the episode: Politics, protest & the Olympics: the IOC's Dick Pound
- Will the US and other Western countries really boycott the Beijing ... ›
- What We're Watching: US Olympic boycott threat, Myanmar junta ... ›
- How political sports boycotts (really) work - GZERO Media ›
- Should the US boycott the 2022 Beijing Olympic Games? - GZERO ... ›
- Peng Shuai, China's tennis star, appears safe but questions remain - GZERO Media ›
Is China too confident?
Ian Bremmer's Quick Take:
Hi, everybody, Ian Bremmer here. Happy Monday. Have your Quick Take to start off the week. I want to talk a little bit about China and the backlash to China. We all know that China has been the top international focus of the Biden administration, considered to be the top national security threat, adversary, competitor of the United States. On top of the fact that there's large bipartisan agreement about that, on top of the fact that President Biden doesn't want to be seen in any way as potentially weak on China, to be vulnerable to the Republicans if he were to do so.
The pivot to Asia is indeed happening. This is part of the effort to quickly wrap up after 20 years, the War in Afghanistan, a reduction in US military footprint on the ground. Across the Middle East, an effort to make the Russia relationship more predictable, more stable. All of that is part of the focus on China. And then specifically in Asia, further with the Quad, the United States, Japan, Australia, and India, the first invitation of a foreign leader to the United States to meet with President Biden, that was Japanese Prime Minister Suga.
Very unusual, if you don't pay attention to the fact that Japan is the most effective and important ally of the United States in Asia, vis-a-vis China. Second invitation, South Korean President Moon. Not the Germans, not the Canadians, no, South Korean President Moon. Only makes sense if you consider China to be the top priority.
Now what's interesting is that in the context of that, four years ago, you would have expected the Chinese government to be engaging much more with other Western countries, an effort to split the United States from its allies to ensure that the Chinese don't have a block of Western democracies against them, but mostly the United States. Certainly easy to do when it's Trump's America First, than when it's President Biden, who was more liked by American allies. But still the Chinese as the world's soon-to-be largest economy, have a lot of influence with other countries around the world. You'd think they want to play it.
The interesting thing is, they're not. Indeed, there has been a lot of backlash from other non-American advanced industrial democracies in part because the Chinese have been so angry about criticism from them. Think about the Australian trade war with China. Kicked off by the Chinese in response to the Australian government saying, even before the Trump administration, that they wanted investigations into the origins of COVID. Did it, or did it not come from a nature, from a wet market or escape inadvertently from a Chinese lab? China went all in against Australia in response to that. They got some criticism from the Europeans on the Uyghurs. They knew the Uyghur issue was coming.
There's a greater focus on human rights issues coming out of various parts of the European Union. In response, the Chinese government puts direct sanctions against members of European Parliament. Anyone advising Xi Jinping would have known that was going to blow up in their face. As a consequence, there was a suspension of the much-lauded EU-China investment deal, which was a big deal. It got approved in principle though, not ratified, right before Biden took office. It was a big win for China. Now, not such a big win for China. Italian government, Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi, saying that he's thinking seriously about pulling his country out of China's Belt and Road. It was the first G7 economy to join Belt and Road. What a loss that would be.
Lithuania pulled out of the "16+1", the Chinese engagement to try to split the Central and Eastern European countries away from the Western European countries. These are the countries that more need Chinese investment. They're largely poorer. They want to ensure they have as much infrastructure support as possible. China has Hungary's Viktor Orban, but most of the Central and Eastern European countries now are counting a lot more on redistribution from the EU, and the support of Germany than they are of the Chinese and the Chinese government made it easier for that shift to occur.
In Canada, the two Michaels, who have been in detention for no legal, legitimate reason and have been mistreated, some say, have even been tortured. This would be a fairly easy thing for the Chinese government to resolve in the run-up to the Beijing Olympics. So far, they've shown no signs of actually doing that. When I look around the world right now, I see all sorts of efforts of the Chinese government, not just to go tit for tat with US escalation, but also to make it easier for the United States to coordinate an escalated competitor, China policy with that of all sorts of American allies.
And so that leads to the question of why is that happening? Why is the Chinese government making it easier for the United States? Why are we seeing this surfeit of advanced industrial democracies around the world all at the same time, showing that they are themselves angrier with China? And I would say that there are a few different things at play here. One is lots of confidence inside the Chinese leadership of China's model. You saw that a little bit after the 2008 financial crisis, global financial crisis. And then when the United States rebounded sharply, it largely went away.
But for a period of months, there was a lot of sense of the US financial system doesn't work, Western capitalism doesn't work. Look at what the banks are doing, look at the Occupy Wall Street movement. We do better for our working to middle class. And so, we should move away from the dollar. We should create our own BRICS Bank currency. Well, it became pretty clear from the economic advisors of the China leadership that that was way, way premature and wrong. And so they backed into more cooperation with the United States and the West.
This time around coming after Coronavirus, where the Chinese economy was the only major economy in the world to grow in 2020, maybe this is just an overhang of the feeling that China got it right. And the United States and Europe couldn't deal with it. And so they're not going to take that level of criticism. They feel much more confident that the model, the political model, the economic model, the technological model that is built to last, that is built for the duration is the Chinese model, not the Western model.
And so to the extent that they're going to recognize that they've played too confident, too hard, it's going to take longer because that level of confidence is a lot greater, a lot more deeply rooted and entrenched than it was in 2008, 2009. That is certainly one piece of it. A second piece of it. It is maybe because Xi Jinping has consolidated so much power today compared to five years ago, 10 years ago, that it's harder to get him good, but critical information that some of his policies are not succeeding.
We have seen this certainly in and around Russia with President Putin over the past years, when he first became president and then prime minister, and then president again. He would display an enormous amount of capacity for understanding details of Russian foreign policy and defense policy, energy policy, privatizations, corporations, policies towards state-owned enterprises. Putin doesn't do that as much anymore, and I suspect part of that is because he no longer has either the interest or the people around him that are going to give him unfiltered, unblemished, "This is what's really going on." If that is now starting to happen in China, then Xi Jinping, who calls the preponderance of the shots is actually thinking he's doing a better job internationally than he really is.
A bit of the "Emperor Has No Clothes" going on in China right now. And I'm sure there's at least some piece of that. And then the final point is that it might be increasingly hard for the Chinese government to admit domestically that they've gotten things wrong, especially with the run-up to the Olympics, with the run-up to Xi Jinping looking for his unprecedented third term, becoming president for life. All of this implies that if you're going to make a shift, you go through your big meetings first, effectively the equivalent what an election campaign would be in the United States, and then you take a softer approach.
I'm sure all three of those factors are playing. It's hard to know how to weight them, but that seems to be a problem for the Chinese government, because right now, the Biden administration and not just the G7, but also the Quad and even some other developing democracies like India, for example, some of the south Americans, are looking at Beijing and having less confidence that this is a model that they want to hedge towards to a greater degree, despite the fact that Chinese economy is doing quite well.
So an interesting issue to think about. Something I'm sure we'll be paying a lot more attention to over the coming weeks and months. I hope everyone's being safe, avoiding fewer people and enjoying this move into the summer or in the Southern Hemisphere, exactly the opposite. Talk to you soon. Be good.
Would China really invade Taiwan?
The cover story of The Economist declares that Taiwan is "The most dangerous place on Earth," because China might finally be ready to plan an invasion of the island. But are the consequences of such a move worth the many risks to China and its President Xi Jinping? Ian Bremmer breaks out the Red Pen to to explain why a US-China war over Taiwan is unlikely.
We are taking our red pen to a recent article from The Economist. The Economist, you ask, how could I? I love The Economist, I know, I know. But you'd lose respect if I give this piece a pass. In fact, it was the magazine's cover story this week, so I had no choice. The image and headline say it all. Here it is, Taiwan is now "the most dangerous place on earth" as US/China relations continue to sour in the opening months of President Biden's administration.
And it is true, of course, that the relationship between the two most powerful countries in the world, the US and China, is very rocky indeed. Back in March, a meeting between the US Secretary of State Tony Blinken and National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan and their counterparts from China got off to an icy start, in Anchorage, Alaska no less. The Biden administration has declared that China's treatment of Muslim minorities constitutes "genocide" and also continues to push back on the unilateral erosion from Beijing of Hong Kong's autonomy. So, this is not a good relationship.
Of all the issues, the most volatile and explosive could well be Taiwan. The Economist argues that China may finally look to capture the small island democracy.
And yes, there is a lot to be concerned about, but The Economist doesn't have it quite right.
So, let's get out the Red Pen.
First, a central point in the magazine's argument is that a Chinese attack on Taiwan would have global economic repercussions, including disrupting the world's most important semiconductor manufacturer, TSMC, that's Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company. That company makes more than half of all of the chips outsourced by all foreign companies globally. A quote from the piece: "Were production at TSMC to stop, so would the global electronics industry, at incalculable cost."
And yes, war would be devastating for many reasons, including the interruption of TSMC's operations. But that's precisely why it's not going to happen. China relies on a functional TSMC as much as the United States does for advanced semiconductors. In fact, China right now is way behind the US in this particular aspect, though not all, of the technology battle. Taiwan is a critical player in the great decoupling battle and an attack would seriously set back China's own tech ambitions.
The article also states that "China would overnight become the dominant power in Asia" if China attacked Taiwan and the United States didn't intervene.
That's doubtful. Actually, the "Quad," the US, Australia, India, and Japan, would be turbocharged overnight. China could completely undermine its own bid for regional dominance if it were to suddenly assault Taiwan. Also, the argument fails to acknowledge that Taiwan itself could mount significant military resistance, exposing weaknesses in Beijing's military power. Not to mention any such attack by China would further damage its ties to the European Union.
Finally, The Economist speculates that China's President Xi Jinping may want to "crown his legacy" as they say, with the takeover of Taiwan.
That is a huge gamble. What happens if Xi attempts an invasion and fails? His legacy would be defined by a reckless move that would destroy China's long-term strategic prospects.
Which brings us back to that very splashy and provocative cover and headline. Is Taiwan really "the most dangerous place on earth?" No. Or at least, not right now.
We've laid out a few of the reasons, but here a couple more: The Winter Olympics in Beijing, already super controversial as human rights groups call for boycotts based on abuses of Uighurs, Tibetans, and actions in Hong Kong. Beijing wants to avoid boycotts as much as possible, they see themselves as quite vulnerable in the upcoming Winter Olympics and attacking Taiwan would make matters far worse.
Also, President Xi is looking to secure a third term next fall. Remember, he ended term limits. A military attack on Taiwan could weaken China's standing if it fails. Xi's not likely to go there.
Still, there are other ways for China to assert greater control. For example, the very fear of a looming threat would likely erode Taiwan's quest for independence over time without any shots fired. How do the United States, the Quad, and Europe respond to that? The answer to that question is going to tell us a lot about where the GZERO world is heading.
That's your Red Pen for this week. Stay safe and we'll see you again here real soon.
- Women in power — Taiwan's Tsai Ing-wen - GZERO Media ›
- Putin's next move won't be a Baltic invasion that could unify NATO ... ›
- China makes a big move in the South China Sea - GZERO Media ›
- What We're Watching: China targets Taiwan, Palestinian election ... ›
- What could spark a US-China war? ›
- China goes ballistic at Taiwan - GZERO Media ›
- Podcast: How a US-China war could happen: Warning from ret. admiral James Stavridis - GZERO Media ›
Should the US boycott the 2022 Beijing Olympic Games?
Florida Congressman Mike Waltz has called for a US boycott of the 2022 Olympic Games in Beijing. Waltz, a conservative Republican and Trump supporter, makes his case not for military or economic reasons but for humanitarian grounds: "I don't see how, after unleashing Covid on the world, clearly covering it up, arresting journalists, arresting doctors, refusing to share data, and the ongoing genocide that two Secretaries of State from two different administrations have now agreed is happening, that we reward Beijing with this international platform to whitewash everything that they've done to the world."
In a conversation with Ian Bremmer, Waltz dismisses concerns that the US would be virtually alone in a boycott, citing China as an "insidious" threat because, "We're drunk on Chinese money and it's from sports, to Disney, to Wall Street, to our political class, to our universities, think tanks and political institutions." The interview on GZERO World airs on US public television starting Friday, April 23. Check local listings.
Watch the GZERO World with Ian Bremmer episode.
- So, are we in a new Cold War or not? - GZERO Media ›
- Will the US and other Western countries really boycott the Beijing ... ›
- What We're Watching: US Olympic boycott threat, Myanmar junta ... ›
- How political sports boycotts (really) work - GZERO Media ›
- Would athletes be exempt from a Beijing 2022 Olympics boycott? - GZERO Media ›
A gentler US approach to China wouldn't fix their relationship
Should the Biden administration "reverse course on China" in the hope of establishing a friendlier relationship, as diplomat Kishore Mahbubani argues in a recent Financial Times op-ed? Ian Bremmer and Eurasia Group analyst Michael Hirson take out the Red Pen to explain why it's not that simple.
And today, we are talking about the United States and China. The relationship between the two most powerful nations in the world is the worst it's been since the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989. Pundits and policymakers alike all around the world are trying to figure out how Washington and Beijing can at least stop the bleeding because a reset is nowhere in the cards.
That's the topic of the op-ed that we are looking at today. It's from the Financial Times, written by Singaporean diplomat Kishore Mahbubani, and the title summarizes the key argument: "Biden should summon the courage to reverse course on China." Meaning, he should throw out the Trump era approach and open the door to more cooperation and kinder, gentler relations.
Now, first of all, truth in advertising, Kishore is former ambassador to the UN, former dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School – it's like the Kennedy School but of Singapore, and a decidedly good guy. We've known each other for decades, heck, I even blurbed one of his books. But is that going to stop us from adding red ink to the Pink Paper, the Financial Times? No, sir! Let's get out that pen.
So first, Kishore cites the late American diplomat and strategist George Kennan, always a good thing to do in an op-ed, who wrote during the Cold War that the United States should aspire "to create among the peoples of the world generally the impression of a country which knows what it wants, which is coping successfully with the problem of its internal life and with the responsibilities of a world power." And Kishore says that China is checking all these boxes right now and the United States is not. He mentions things like declining life expectancy and mounting income inequality as woes that are undermining America's standing.
And I admit that China certainly seems to know what it wants. But China has massive internal structural problems of its own, including demographic decline and massively growing pollution. So long as Beijing is interning Uighurs en masse, and cracking down on democracy in Hong Kong, or alienating most of the world's advanced democracies with a belligerent foreign policy, that argument of Kennan's is a tough sell to apply.
OK, next Kishore argues that "the US cold war strategy" won't work to isolate China.
That's right, a cold war strategy won't work. But the United States isn't using one. China is too deeply embedded in the global economy, and the United States isn't expecting China to have a Soviet-style collapse. No one in the Biden administration thinks that. It's actually trying to balance decades of cooperation with growing competition. Now there are some people out there that say the United States is in a cold war with China, like Niall Ferguson. But we're not and they're wrong. And that's a whole different Red Pen. Next week we can cover that one.
Mahbubani, Kishore also writes that "the Chinese people can see that their government has protected them well in the Covid-19 emergency."
Now, it's also certainly the case the United States absolutely blew the pandemic response for some time. But today it is administering far more vaccine doses and far more quickly than has China. And China's vaccines don't work so well. And let's also not forget how one government's mismanagement hastened the spread of a global pandemic. Hint, it's not the United States.
Fourth point, Kishore writes that Biden is "making a strategic mistake" he says, "in carrying on with Donald Trump's policies towards China." He adds that Biden should declare "that Trump was wrong on China."
Never mind that that would be horrible domestic politics for Biden but a broader question, was Trump really wrong about the long-term challenge in the United States-China relationship? I mean sure, his policy implementation was erratic, and Trump's tweets generally sucked. The Biden team realizes it's going to have to compete with Beijing in a much more disciplined and coordinated way than the Trump administration. But China's deepening authoritarianism and increased power and presence on the global stage has meant that the United States was eventually going to recalibrate policy, whoever the president. That's why China policy is one of the very few issues in the United States right now that has broad bipartisan agreement in orientation.
Finally, Kishore says that Washington "should press the pause button on the US-Chinese geopolitical contest."
If only it were that easy, Kishore! It takes two to tango. If China is willing to do so, a pause may be possible. But there's no sign of that at this stage at all.
That's your Red Pen for today, folks. We'll see you again soon with another edition. Have a suggestion for a piece we should take our pen to? Tweet it out to @gzeromedia using #TheRedPen and we'll check it out.
Israel's highly charged election; EU-China deal at risk over sanctions
Ian Bremmer discusses Israel's election, the EU-China tensions over sanctions, and Putin's jab on this edition of World In 60 Seconds.
Will Israel's fourth election in two years finally provide the country stability?
Well, I mean, to be fair, the country is actually stable. Seven million people rolling out vaccines faster than any other country around the world. I mean, you know, life is relatively normal unless you're in the occupied territories as a Palestinian. But the politics are indeed problematic. It is very close, indeed. It is conceivable that Netanyahu will be able, by the skin of his teeth, to put together a very, very right-wing coalition, that could threaten democracy. It's also conceivable that no one can put together a coalition, it depends on small parties, in which case you could have a fifth election in two years. Yes, that could easily happen. There you go.
What will come from new EU and US sanctions on China?
Well, the Europeans are saying that unless the Chinese actually pull back on the sanctions against European MEPs, which they did in response to the US, the EU, the UK, and Canada, all putting sanctions on Chinese officials in response to treatment of the Uighurs - they really didn't like that - that the EU-China investment deal wouldn't get ratified. Macron really wants this to get done. Merkel really wants this to get done. There is some uncertainty, of course, in Germany, depending on what happens after Merkel and the government. On balance, I would argue that this investment relationship still ends up happening and the US and the EU have very different perspectives on China, but still overall a hardening of positions towards each other across the board, on the western side and on the Chinese side.
Finally, Putin is finally getting vaccinated. What took so long?
It is a little surprising. And he did not get vaccinated on television. We have to take his word for it. His daughter got vaccinated with Sputnik V very early. Maybe he wanted to make sure she didn't grow a second head or anything. I don't know. Look, I'm a little surprised because, I mean, Sputnik V has been peer reviewed. It's a worthwhile vaccine. It's being exported and it's quite effective. So, I mean, I would have thought that Putin would want to show some patriotism. But, you know, maybe he's skittish about needles. I literally, I find it kind of strange. And with Russia, at the end of the day, you'll never find out, you don't want to be in a position to.
US-China relations can be improved under Biden, but geopolitical rivalry & human rights can't be ignored
In their latest op-ed for Project Syndicate, Javier Solana and Eugenio Bregolat stress the importance of the US and China not becoming staunch enemies - but the piece also avoids some uncomfortable truths about the US-China competition. Ian Bremmer, along with Eurasia Group analysts Michael Hirson and Jeffrey Wright, grabbed The Red Pen to clarify a few points re the US-China relationship.
Today we are taking our Red Pen to an op-ed from Project Syndicate, always gets distributed globally, written by two veteran Spanish diplomats, Javier Solana and Eugenio Bregolat. Among their many accolades, Solana served as Secretary-General of NATO and Bregolat was Spain's ambassador to China. So, not too shabby. And full disclosure, Javier is actually a dear and longstanding friend. So, I'm biased. But that doesn't stop The Red Pen.
Their article is titled "Biden Can Pass His China Test," and it focuses on what will be the most important foreign policy challenge that Biden will face as president, America's relationship with China, the second most powerful country in the world. The authors argue that under Trump that relationship deteriorated significantly, all-out battles over technology, trade, human rights, and even a giant global blame game over the coronavirus pandemic.
The piece makes solid points about the importance of the two nations not becoming staunch enemies. Their cooperation on everything from climate change to nuclear proliferation to cyber norms no doubt will be critical in the coming years. And we agree that the Trump administration's approach, particularly its rhetoric, requires recalibration in the Biden presidency. But the piece also avoids some uncomfortable truths about how difficult the road ahead is going to be in US/China diplomacy.
So first, Solana and Bregolat argue that "despite their obvious rivalry, the United States and China must try to understand each other" as they seek peaceful coexistence.
Now, let's be real: The rivalry between these two nations isn't about a failure to listen to one another. It's a geopolitical competition, particularly in and over Asia (though it's increasingly global) to dominate commercial sectors like technology and also increasingly zero-sum direct security concerns. Talking helps, absolutely, but won't change that underlying reality.
Next, the authors urge Biden to promote democracy and human rights in a "calm, consistent, and sensible manner" and avoid "trying to impose values."
Never mind the fact that actually, Trump himself did virtually none of that, but calling for regime change in China is clearly not a sensible strategy. But neither is ignoring our values or Western values. And the United States can urge China to adhere to basic human rights standards without also demanding it become a liberal democracy. Treatment of Uighurs is at the top of the list. As is breaking the "one country, two systems" promise in Hong Kong. These things can't be swept under the rug, by the Americans or our allies across the pond, for that matter.
Solana and Bregolat also write that "a relationship built on cooperation and competition must exclude the open confrontation sought by Trump and his hawks."
And here, I want to say that Trump's strategy, while in many ways' imperfect, actually also held some truth. Relying on engagement alone, which is what we mostly saw under the old Obama administration, wasn't working to shape Chinese behavior. The smartest people on Team Trump and Team Biden both recognize that confrontation on some issues is necessary. Indeed, in overall policy orientation, Team Biden and Team Trump probably closer and see eye-to-eye on China than any other foreign policy issue.
Finally, Solana and Bregolat say that the EU is exercising "strategic autonomy" by developing "an ambitious agenda for collaboration" with Biden while also "concluding a comprehensive investment agreement with China."
Yep, Europe is a significant part of the equation here. But just as the EU doesn't need to slavishly follow the United States, it also shouldn't sign a last-minute deal with China and expect a pat on the back from Washington. Europe has just as much stake in preserving the liberal international system as does the United States, even though that is getting harder and the support for it is eroding.
Well, there you have it, that's your Red Pen for this week. We will have much more to say about the US and China in the coming months, that is for sure. Stay tuned.