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EU & US: democracy frames tech approaches; Australia & Facebook flipflop
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Hello, it's Marietje Schaake here, and this is Cyber In :60. A little bit about me. I work at Stanford University. Before that, I spent 10 years as a member of European Parliament and continue to be involved with a number of not-for-profit boards, including as president of the Cyber Peace Institute.
Now, in this series, we're going to look under the hood of the internet, zoom in on technology to show you why the topic of cyber is both personal and geopolitical, touching on your freedoms, your rights, our economy, our security, and so much more.
Now, with that, I have your first question of the week ready to go, which is, "Are Europe and the US at odds when it comes to the ongoing Big Tech regulatory battles?"
I would say yes, but they may also complement each other. Of course, there is a different starting point. The US traditionally strong on national security, the EU on the other hand very much focused on rights protections. But along those different lines, combined you can see the contours of a democratic governance model to deal with technology, and that is what I do think we need in light of the shared challenges that the EU and the US face coming from China, but also from the growing power of tech companies, the privatization of governance, and both erode democracy.
Second question, "What is happening between Facebook and Australia?"
Well, poof, we've seen a lot of flip-flopping. Facebook overnight removed links to news sites in Australia as a hardcore last ditch lobbying effort, but then new talks with the Australian Government happened and now there seems to be a lull in the fight.
Third question, "As the investigation into the SolarWinds cyber hack continues, what have we learned?"
Well, we've learned how connectivity brings along new vulnerability and that a blind reliance on tech companies and the software that they sell is very risky.
I think I have to leave it at that. Thank you so much. My name is Marietje Schaake. That was your Cyber In :60. Well, I think it was more like 120 seconds, but see you again soon.
Quick Take: "America Is Back": Biden on Munich's virtual tour
Ian's Quick Take:
Hi everybody, Ian Bremmer here on a snowy Friday in New York City. But if it was any other year, I'd actually be in Munich right now for the annual Munich Security Conference. It's the largest gathering every year of foreign and security policy leaders and experts from the transatlantic community, and increasingly from around the world. It's, for obvious reasons, postponed this year, they're hoping to put something together in the summer in-person, but that didn't stop some of the most prominent leaders across the transatlantic partners from speaking virtually at an event that streamed live over a few hours today. So, given that I thought I'd give you a quick response on what I thought was happening and answer some of your questions.
So, first of all, President Biden, Chancellor Angela Merkel, French President Emmanuel Macron, and the UK's Boris Johnson all spoke today, as well as multilateral leaders like António Guterres, my buddy from the UN and Dr. Tedros Adhanom of the World Health Organization. The pandemic, vaccine rollout, distribution, renewed commitment to transatlantic partnerships, the big topics today.
Let me first give you some highlights. Obviously, the big news is a sense of enthusiasm from the leaders that were speaking. You look at the transatlantic relationship, America First under President Trump was not meant to be popular in Europe, it was not popular in Europe. All of the leaders speaking today with Biden, happy to bang on the message that the United States is back on the global stage and embraces multilateralism and wants to work primarily with American allies.
Biden himself, committing to working together with partners on a host of issues like pandemic response and vaccine distribution, as well as climate change. Just a very different top-line message, a very different feel from the American president than we've seen from the last four years of Trump. Maybe the most interesting point from Joe Biden was him describing the world as being at an inflection point, calling out the need to defend democracy in the United States, as well as in Europe and saying to combat the rise of autocracy, you have to demonstrate that democracy can deliver for our people. And on the back of January 6th in the United States, on the back of a contested election, that many Americans still believe was stolen, on the back of so many in Western democracies that increasingly see the Chinese model seems stable and it's economically continuing to succeed, but they're getting angry about the effectiveness of their own democracies well before they exported, that certainly was a message, not of American exceptionalism, but rather of American potential, rather of what needs to be done, the work that needs to be done before the US can really be back. I think it's important, it's fine to say that America's back, but it's not like everybody really believes that we can just jump into the status quo ante.
Angela Merkel, this is her swan song. This is 16 years of Chancellor of Germany, and they come to an end this year. A very similar message, a very aligned message. I felt pretty confident that both Merkel and Biden had read each other's draft speeches before they gave their own comments, which is kind of a nice thing to see, shared belief that the democracy is the foundation of the transatlantic partnership, more than shared security, more than economic interests, alignment of values. Again, something that has taken an enormous hit over the past several years, both inside Europe and increasingly inside the United States to an even greater degree. And so, even though the allies may not agree on every issue and in some, they clearly don't, that on core values compared to countries like Russia and Iran and China and other rogue States around the world, that this is what the transatlantic relationship is founded on, and certainly what the Munich Security Conference has been founded on.
The reality is that there is near-term relief from everybody appearing, but also a lot of long-term mistrust, at least unease and still not an awful lot of real policy alignment. I mean, you see President Biden right before this speech announcing tougher "buy American" clauses to ensure that when the US spends trillions of dollars in relief and stimulus, that it goes to the United States and its corporations, and it doesn't go to other countries around the world, no matter how aligned they are. That is much more of an America First policy perspective, and much more unilateralism than the multilateralism that is being touted. But of course, that's a reality for how politics in Washington gets done, especially given how divided and how angry the population is. Europe doing an awful lot of that on issues like trade and technology as well. The US much more worried about China as the principal national security threat out there. Europe, it depends on who you talk to, not so much. Economics, much more important. Certainly, willingness to go after China on values, much, much weaker in the case of Europe these days. And the United States, increasingly not as interested in the Middle East, not like Europe has much of a choice, geographically and that is also going to be an area of tension.
Among other major themes today, climate for sure. Bill Gates, giving a speech drawing comparisons between climate change and global response on pandemic saying, "There is no vaccine for the environment and that we can't wait until it's too late." By the way, I'd add, there's also no vaccine for political divisions inside the United States and Europe. Another big problem, perhaps one that we'll hear Biden say in future speeches. Gates also said that by the end of the century, climate change will kill five times as many people per year as the pandemic is right now. Clearly that is what he is pivoting towards in terms of top priorities now that the vaccines have such a strong kickstart in the United States and increasingly in Europe too.
Also heard today on climate from John Kerry, President Biden's Special Envoy for Climate, it is a cabinet position, a new one, that climate change must be treated as a national security issue. Everyone in the Biden administration is rowing in the same direction on that. By the way, we expect at least two to $3 trillion for green infrastructure after the 1.9 trillion in initial coronavirus relief is passed in the coming weeks. That is an enormously big deal for 2021 made possible because you actually have 50 Democrats in Senate. A lot of that will be paid for by taxes, additional taxes, corporate taxes, taxes on the wealthy, but a lot of that's going to be more deficit financing as well. So, you're going to have your infrastructure year after so much failure for so many decades in the United States for not putting money into that as we see playing out in Texas, for example, right now. Also, Boris Johnson, the UK Prime Minister calling for building back better and greener after the pandemic, certainly wanting to show how aligned he is with the US and the Biden administration after the shambolic Brexit proceedings over the course of the last five plus years.
Cyber and technology, also a big topic. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen notably calling for ensuring that what is illegal offline is also illegal online and for internet companies to take a lot more responsibility for that. By the way, this is clearly the issue where there's very little alignment between the US and Europe. There is certainly no strategy between the two. I would argue that the Europeans mistrust the United States on tech policy almost as much as they mistrust China, which is quite something and going to be very hard to align this year.
Anyway, the first of several virtual events like this, I'm sure, on the road to Munich 2021, organizers of the conference, very optimistic that an in-person or hybrid event is going to happen later this year. When it does, GZERO will certainly be there to cover it.
Okay, I said I'd answer a couple of your questions. Here we go. I have them from you.
Number one, isn't it in the EU's interest to see more pro-China now that they are their biggest trade partners?
Oh, absolutely. I mean, lots of sharp language about the challenge posed by China across the board and the need to put up better competition. But the Europeans clearly see that on issues of trade and investment, China matters a lot more to them. And unless the United States has a very clear and aligned strategy that is very attractive to the Europeans in the near term, they are going to continue to hedge like crazy. Keep in mind, China's only getting bigger. By 2028, the expectation is that China becomes the largest economy in the world with a very different economic model, a very different political model, a very different technological model, a very different set of standards and architecture. The transatlantic relationship was set up common values, but also security dealing with Russia where actually for the United States, the principal concern now overwhelmingly is China and that's a real serious problem.
Okay. How much does Merkel's departure and Super Mario's arrival matter for US-European relations?
Surprisingly, not a single direct mention of Mario Draghi today. I'm a little shocked about that. I mean, this guy, after Merkel, is the most significant, the most respected leader on the European continent and he has just taken over a big majority as Prime Minister in Italy. This is the best news for one of the largest economies in the EU and he is a super advocate of stronger, more integrated European Union and a strong relationship with the United States. I'm really surprised that there were no callouts about Draghi's. The biggest, biggest mistake in my view made by the leaders speaking today. But I certainly think it will be good for US-EU relations, it will be good for keeping the Europeans closer together. As we know, in Italy, you can never count on governments for long, but this one is good while it lasts.
What will the international community do to ensure universal vaccine equity, particularly where's there's minimal state capacity and/or regime reluctance?
It's going to be tough. It's great that we saw that Joe Biden is committing $2 billion to COVAX with a pledge of an additional $2 billion if others step up. Emmanuel Macron talking about Africa, specifically, calling for a lot more aid to ensure that all healthcare workers there, he says about 6.5 million people, get the vaccine immediately. But the reality is you're getting vaccines to wealthy countries well before it gets to poorer countries, well before it gets to the poorest countries. You're rolling out vaccines, really fast to the wealthy countries, it's extraordinary. Most of the world still hasn't gotten their first jab yet. In most of the world's countries still haven't gotten their first job yet. So, there is an obvious and massive question on vaccine equity and it's going to hurt a lot of the economies of the world pretty stiffly. It's more of an economic issue than a healthcare issue. So many of these countries, very, very young people, which means not many people get really sick. Most of the spread is asymptomatic, but it's going to hurt them in terms of reopening their economies, getting their people to travel, remittances that come from that, all of these challenges, that's a big lift. I hope we'll see more.
So, that's it for me. I hope you enjoyed this. I hope you found the Munich coverage interesting and worthwhile and have a great weekend. Stay safe, stay warm and avoid people.
China's EU deal betrays insecurity; not a wedge between US & EU
In our first edition of The Red Pen for 2021, we take a look at an editorial by the FT's Gideon Rachman, who argues that the recent EU-China treaty will complicate President-elect Biden's ability to handle China and rebuild the US-EU relationship. Ian Bremmer and Eurasia Group's Michael Hirson point out the deal actually demonstrates how much Beijing fears being out-maneuvered by Biden.
There's a lot going on in the world, and obviously plenty to discuss right here in the United States where our democracy is getting tested like nobody's business. But that doesn't mean that good op-eds out there don't deserve to be sparred with. And, I don't want to just neglect all those perfectly important writers, so we have one this week.
Turning our attention abroad to how China factors in as President-elect Joe Biden takes office in a short period of time … and what role Europe will play in how the United States approaches the second biggest economy, soon to be first, on the planet.
The op-ed we're marking up is by Gideon Rachman. He's the chief foreign affairs commentator at the Financial Times. And the piece is entitled, "Europe Has Handed China A Strategic Victory." He argues against a recent investment treaty between Europe and China championed by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, also heavily supported by German Chancellor Angela Merkel. And it's viewed overall as a deepening of financial ties and commerce between Europe and China.
Now as a little bit of background, the deal, which was several years in the making, boosts market access in China for European firms in sectors such as autos and finance.
Now Gideon argues that the European Union has just handed China a big win despite all of that nation's diplomatic and humanitarian transgressions…and that this is going to further complicate things for incoming President Joe Biden as he tries to figure out how to deal with China.
Now, agree with Gideon, it's a significant development. And also, it's true that Europe does appear to be flexing its muscles a bit here: The US can do a unilateral trade deal with China (Phase One) and so can Europe. But is this going to change the geopolitical landscape? No, and the argument goes too far on that point.
First, Gideon writes, "Ms. Von der Leyen concluded 2020 by sending a truly awful geopolitical message — as her commission signed off on an investment treaty between the EU and China."
Well, the EU also has said it agrees with the United States "on the strategic challenge presented by China's growing international assertiveness." And there are many humanitarian and diplomatic issues Europe as a whole has strongly condemned—from China's attack on democracy in Hong Kong to its treatment of Muslim minorities. This is a fairly narrow deal, not a white flag on the relationship.
Number two, Gideon describes the timing of the deal as "exquisite" for China, driving a wedge between Europe and the US on the eve of Biden's inauguration.
Now you can make that argument, but let's be clear, Beijing was clearly intent on rushing to get the deal done before Biden took office and ended up giving a lot of benefits to the Europeans accordingly. Does that sound like a confident superpower? Or, rather, like an insecure country worried about being out maneuvered by Biden and preparing to face a lot more coordinated and multilateral pressure? In other words, China might have grabbed what it could at a fire sale before Biden comes in to remove the wedge that has existed between Europe and the United States under the Trump administration.
Now on that, Gideon describes this deal as a "kick in the teeth" to Biden, who wants to restore ties to some of our strongest global allies in Europe.
Now, it's a wake-up call. But Beijing keeps digging its own diplomatic hole, from turning away WHO inspectors to conducting mass arrests in Hong Kong. And that's just this week. The new Biden team's commitment to transatlantic cooperation is going to go a long way to repairing the US-Europe relationship.
Finally, Gideon writes that Europe "is naive to believe that China will respect the agreement it has signed…And it is naive to think that the darkening political climate in Beijing will never affect life in Brussels or Berlin."
Now sure, you can point to plenty of examples of China not holding up its end of the bargain. Gideon mentions the WTO agreement in 2001. He's right. Also, in the terms of this EU/China deal, Beijing is expected to deliver on things like climate action, reducing favoritism to state-owned businesses, and improving labor practices. All kind of red lines for the Chinese state capitalist system. Good luck with that. But let's be clear, when China fails to meet those terms, that ends up working in America's favor and makes any EU/China agreement short-lived at best. It gets weaker as a consequence of that.
So, is it the end of the world order as we know it? No. But is China, and how its growing economic influence and power impacts every nation, going to be a big issue for Biden…and beyond? Yes. We just don't think Ursula von der Leyen or the EU did something "truly awful," as Gideon states.
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Europe reacts to attack on US Capitol with disbelief, horror & sorrow
Carl Bildt, former Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Sweden, with the view from Europe:
What is the European reaction to the pictures coming out of Washington, yesterday?
Disbelief. Horror. Shock. But also sorrow. The United States is a great ally of Europe. And to see its democracy literally looted by mobs of hooligans inspired by the President of the United States is something that I don't think anyone had thought would ever happen. The President of the United States has gone, in the eyes of the Europeans, from being a leader of a great democracy to being a cult leader of a mob of hooligans.
What We're Watching & What We're Ignoring
WHAT WE'RE WATCHING
US-EU trade talks – Last summer, President Trump committed to slowing escalating trade measures against the EU in return for a deal to lower European subsidies on agricultural goods and protections for the automotive industry. But EU negotiators now want to exclude Europe's massive agricultural subsidies and other farmer-friendly policies in an upcoming round of talks. That jars with the goals of the US, and issues like labelling genetically-modified foods and the free flow of data are also likely to prove contentious. We're watching this, because failed trade negotiations could quickly lead to a renewed fight between the US and EU.
Zimbabwe –Deadly protests erupted in Zimbabwe this week as police cracked down on demonstrators who burned tires and blocked roads to vent their fury at a surprise hike in fuel prices. Raising fuel prices is always controversial – just ask French President Emmanuel Macron. But in Zimbabwe, people have additional reasons to be upset. The fuel shortages are indicative of deeper economic woes. Zimbabwe was forced to abandon its currency and adopt the US dollar during the ruinous reign of Robert Mugabe, whom the current president, Emmerson Mnagawa (known as "The Crocodile"), ousted a little over a year ago following a military coup. The change of power did little to fix the things — the unemployment rate is 80 percent, and Zimbabwe isn't producing enough hard currency to pay for its imports. The Crocodile may be in charge, but he hasn't managed to escape Mugabe's poisoned legacy.
WHAT WE'RE IGNORING
France's airing of grievances – Speaking of Macron, the French president has launched his latest attempt to break the gridlock of the gilets jaunes protests, now entering their tenth week: a three-month long national debate. Macron hopes that an airing of grievances in town halls across the nation will help "transform anger…into solutions." But the gilets jaunes are a leaderless movement venting anger at out-of-touch elites. They're unlikely to find common ground with Macron, a pro-business former investment banker who has already ruled out backtracking on controversial parts of his reform program. French King Louis XVI tried a similar approach in 1789, and it didn't end well for him. Macron was elected by voters who wanted someone – anyone – other than the bums in charge. Now he is the bum in charge.
The Venezuelan opposition – On Sunday, Venezuela's national intelligence service arrested Juan Guaido, president of the opposition-led legislature, and then quickly released him. This strange incident highlights the chaotic decision-making inside the Maduro regime, and it rallied international support behind an important opposition figure. But we're ignoring it simply because we don't see signs that Maduro's grip on power slipping anytime soon. Until the army decides it can no longer afford the economic devastation his government has created, Maduro will remain in power. He's helped by the fact that more than two million people who might otherwise be protesting in the streets have fled the country.