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Former Israeli defense minister accuses government of war crimes; UNWRA pauses aid
Former Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Yaalon on Sunday accused Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government of committing war crimes and ethnic cleansing in Gaza. Yaalon, who served under Netanyahu from 2013-16, but has criticized him ever since, claimed that far-right members of the cabinet aim to displace Palestinians in northern Gaza to re-establish Jewish settlements. He alsotold the Reshet Bet radio station that IDF commanders reached out to him “expressing fear about what’s happening there.”
Yaalon’s statements were quickly condemned by Netanyahu allies as “slanderous lies.” But they come at a sensitive time, following the International Criminal Court’s recentissuing of arrest warrants for Netanyahu and former defense chief Yoav Gallant for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza. Gallant called Yaalon’s statements “a lie that aids our enemy and harms Israel,”and said the Israeli military “acted according to the highest standards that can be applied in the complex and difficult war that was imposed on us.”
UNWRA suspends aid. Meanwhile, the United Nations Relief and Works Agencysuspended humanitarian aid deliveries to Gaza on Sunday after armed gangs seized food supplies twice in recent weeks. “This difficult decision comes at a time when hunger is rapidly deepening,”said UNWRA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini, calling on Israel to ensure the safety of aid workers and supplies and criticizing its “restrictive policies.” In response, Israeli officials denied hindering humanitarian relief andblamed delays on the UN.Is rogue Russia using banned weapons and tactics?
The US State Department accused Russia on Thursday of using a chemical weapon called chloropicrin against Ukrainian soldiers. If true, the use of this choking agent would violate the Chemical Weapons Convention, an international agreement that Russia has signed. Chloropicrin, widely used in World War I, is an oily substance that irritates the lungs, eyes, skin, and digestive system. The US says Russia is using it to force Ukrainian soldiers out of their trenches along the frontlines. The Kremlin’s chief spokesman has denied the charge.
There are also reports this week that Russia has disrupted the Global Positioning System, leaving aircraft, including commercial planes, unable to receive GPS signals in the Baltic Sea, Black Sea, and eastern Mediterranean regions. These disruptions take the form of either jamming signals or “spoofing,” in which legitimate signals are replaced with fake ones.
Though these disruptions are more nuisance than danger, there is a risk to flights when pilots have to improvise navigation. If Russia is responsible, it’s not clear whether its motive is tied directly to the war in Ukraine or is part of a larger effort to disrupt European life and commerce.
In both cases, Western policymakers and experts warn that Russia is increasingly fighting its war outside established rules. In neither case is it clear what accusers can do about it.
Henry Kissinger turns 100
Ian Bremmer's Quick Take: Hi everybody. Ian Bremmer here. Happy Tuesday to you after Memorial Day weekend, and I thought I'd talk for a bit about Dr. Kissinger since he's just turned 100 old. I'm pretty sure he's the only centenarian that I know well. And lots of people have spoken their piece about how much they think he's an amazing diplomat, unique, and how much they think he's a war criminal, unique. And maybe not surprising to anyone, I'm a little bit in between those views.
I have known him for a long time. I remember first time I met him was around 1994. I'd just come back from Ukraine and I introduced myself to him at some event in New York. And he was interested in what I had to say. And so why don't you come and have lunch with me? Which was kind of surprising since he didn't know me at all. And I thought, well, maybe he's just getting rid of me to talk to other people that are in line. But a couple days later, I find myself in his office having tea sandwiches and talking about Ukraine and the context of Russia relations, Europe relations and US. It could have been with a professor of mine or some colleague, the kind of discussion we were having. It didn't feel like he was being pompous or talking down to me. Spoke like he wanted to understand what I had learned from my relationships on the ground and my analysis and challenge it against his own. So that was pretty interesting.
Of course, I will tell you at that point, the reading that I had done of Kissinger was mostly in his own words on diplomacy and from some professors of mine at Stanford and the colleagues there that generally were very well-disposed to him. Since then, I probably sit down with him a few times a year and talk about global issues. And it's always interesting to hear his perspective. I would say that when it comes to broad international relations, he is of a very specific view and school, very transactional, very strategic. He's also of a certain time and place in the sense that he still doesn't believe that Europe really matters, doesn't accept that the European Union has become much stronger, much more capable as an institution than it was 10, 20, 30 years ago, than it was when he was saying, "Who do I call in Europe? Give me a phone number. They don't have one."
On the other hand, he's retooled himself considerably to truly learn about and understand artificial intelligence, and not just from a layman's perspective, but understand the policy implications. And to do that at the age of 100 is pretty extraordinary. I consider AI to be an utter game changer, geopolitically more important than any transformation I've seen on the global stage since I did my PhD some 30 plus years ago.
But for Kissinger to do that at 100 is quite something. And the fact that he has the wherewithal and the acumen to do that, I'm sure says a lot about why he still is put together as he is. There was an event that I did for the Young President's Organization, a few thousand folks, a few months ago. And this was on a big stage and Kissinger was going to give a masterclass, but they needed someone to engage with him for an hour, and he asked if I'd do it. So I said, "Sure." And what was interesting about it was, I mean, I sat in close to him so that he could hear everything I was saying clearly. But I mean, for an hour, this was a very serious conversation, frankly, as good as anyone else I've spoken with on my show over the course of the last several years, and again, doing that at 100. So put all of that together, you have to be impressed in the sense that it makes an impression upon you. Whether negative or positive, it's an impression that someone can do that at his age.
So that that's all of my relationship with him. And when I disagree with him, I say so, and do it more strongly privately than I do it publicly, in part because his willingness to respond to that usefully, publicly is fairly limited. And so you don't get value out of it. But that doesn't mean that I'm a big proponent of his worldview. And some of that is true today. A lot more of that is true, of course, historically. You learn a lot about someone by what they do when they're in a position to really do something, when they're in a position of power, when it matters. For example, I'd like to believe that when the chips were down and I had the ability to either keep my mouth shut or say something publicly about Elon Musk, and it would've been a lot more convenient to do the shutting your mouth, that I used my platform hopefully to make a more positive difference.
And I think that that's in a very small way. In a very big way of course, when you're National Security Advisor, Secretary of State, you have real power in your hands and you make decisions that destroy people. That says a lot about who you are. And I obviously can't in any way justify or support or align myself with a lot of the decisions that Kissinger has taken. And you look at Chile and the support for Pinochet and the coup overthrowing a democratically elected government, something that he strongly and individually supported despite lots of opposition inside the Nixon administration and from President Nixon at the time. I think about Kissinger's support for Suharto in Indonesia and the killing in East Timor. Over a hundred thousand innocent civilians dead from what now has an independent country, but at the time, was the Americans happy to privately support essentially a genocide. And that was a Kissinger policy. This was American exceptionalism. It was the opposite of that. And Vietnam, a lot of people take responsibility for the murderous interventions in Vietnam and not something that the Americans learned enough from. But specifically around Cambodia and a bombing campaign that was conducted in secret, which was denied for a long time by Kissinger. And again, over a hundred thousand civilians dead. And then one of the most murderous regimes we've ever seen in the 20th century comes in the Khmer Rouge because the country had been so destabilized by the Americans and by Kissinger's decision that led to the deaths of millions more.
So that's on his hands individually. And I guess you live to be 100 and you have that kind of power, few people are going to be proud of everything they did, but this is a very different kind of decision. I will say that part of meeting Kissinger turned me off from power. The fact that someone who had been a Harvard professor who I respected so much from the writings that I read of his, and then as you learn what that person, despite what they're like when they meet you, had done when they were in power, just turns you off from power. It makes you feel like that's something you don't want to be any part of. That was my initial sort of knee-jerk reaction. I think it's become more nuanced since then.
But you can't have a retrospective about one of the men that has had the greatest impact on American diplomacy and its influence around the world without recognizing just how negative some of that has been. And I will say that in today's very polarized environment, Kissinger is one of the people probably most responsible for the fact that when people around the world see that you're an American and do international affairs, they assume that your views of the world are equally high-handed, hypocritical, disdainful of the rights of human beings as humans. I mean, in some fundamental way, I'm probably the antithesis of realpolitik because I actually believe first and foremost that if there are 8 billion people on the planet, they all kind of count the same. And the fact that that means more to me than any individual citizenship is pretty much not any of what Kissinger did when he was Secretary of State, which is kind of sad for someone that's that bright and someone that has the capacity to do so much more.
So that's my view of Kissinger at 100. Probably a little different than a lot of what you've heard thus far on the topic, but for Memorial Day in particular, maybe a more appropriate read. So that's it for me. I hope everyone's well and take it easy this week.- Who is Tony Blinken? ›
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Slim GOP majority traps McCarthy in US House speaker standoff
Ian Bremmer shares his insights on global politics this week on World In :60.
Why is the GOP, the Republican Party, having difficulty electing a House leader?
Well, it's because they have like a razor, razor thin margin and that means that Kevin McCarthy cannot afford to lose votes even though he has 90% of the GOP ready to vote for him. That's not enough to get it done, and the Democrats are more than happy to watch the Republicans flail around for days or weeks to lose votes while they are in the majority. So as a consequence, we're going to keep having votes. Last time you had more than one vote for a house speaker was in 1923. So congratulations to the GOP on making history.
Will Erdogan have success playing peacemaker with Zelensky and Putin?
You know, you've got to give Erdogan credit. He is the guy together with the secretary-general of the United Nations that has managed to get two rounds of a food and fertilizer deal done in the Black Sea, which is helping to reduce prices around the world in an environment of very high inflation. So that's a big deal, and this is a war with almost no positive stories that have come out. But on the broader issue of negotiations between the two countries, I'm going to say "no." These two sides are very far apart. The Ukrainians are under massive pressure to get their territory back and to have a rejoinder to the thousands of war crimes that have been committed against their country. That is not a position where they're suddenly going to say "okay, we're going to talk about some of the land that you guys have taken from us." And meanwhile, Putin has been humiliated by a massive loss over the course of the last year, and he's certainly not going to say "okay, I give up. I'm going to just leave." So there just isn't room. You could have some talks, but there isn't room right now at least, for fundamental negotiations that would be promising, that could be impactful, that could have progress between the two sides.
What countermeasures is China threatening in response to COVID travel restrictions?
Well, you could certainly see tit for tat in China, given the fact that, you know, the Chinese, everybody wants to get back into China that hasn't been able to travel there for a couple of years now. But I don't expect there'll be significant economic countermeasures. All they're asking for at this point, and this is India and pretty much the entire G7, is saying "you need to take a COVID test to make sure that when you're coming over that you're not COVID positive." Over 50% of Chinese that were traveling to, I think it was Milan, last week on flights, were positive for COVID. There was no way in that environment with the Chinese that are letting COVID rip and that aren't actually testing for asymptomatic COVID, that they're going to just allow them to get on planes and travel around the world. So it seems to be a fairly natural response.
Also won't last very long because this wave is so massive and will burn itself out over the course of at least a couple of months.
- Rinse, repeat: Republicans fail to agree on the House speaker ›
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- What We’re Watching: Pelosi’s farewell, #RIPTwitter, Malaysian vote, Iranian rage, UK austerity ›
- GOP-led US House will get tougher on China — but not as much as you'd think ›
Dispatch from Davos
Economic Forum (WEF). This is the first time the annual gathering of world leaders, CEOs, and public figures takes place in the spring (no snow boots!), courtesy of Omicron. It’s also the first in-person forum since the pandemic hit in January 2020, and it couldn’t be happening at a more critical moment for the world.
Indeed, the theme of this year’s meeting is “History at a Turning Point,” and what a turning point it is. From Covid-19, climate change, digitalization, and deglobalization to the war in Ukraine, slowing global growth, surging energy prices, and a looming food crisis, this is the most crisis-rich backdrop to a World Economic Forum I’ve ever seen.
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Me moderating a panel titled "Russia: What's Next?"Source: World Economic Forum/Sikarin Fon Thanachaiary.
Why are we seeing so many converging crises at the same time?
Largely, I think it’s because we are in a geopolitical recession—a moment in history when nobody (not the U.S., not the G7, not the G20) is driving the bus—where many of the reigning global institutions are increasingly not aligned with the geopolitical balance of power. The United Nations Security Council, NATO, the World Trade Organization, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund—all of these institutions were the product of a bipolar world forged atop the ashes of World War II.
The balance of power has shifted since—from the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of China to the end of the U.S.-led order—but institutions haven’t adapted. That’s why Germany and Japan, two wealthy, dynamic, free-market democracies with governments strongly committed to multilateralism and the rule of law, don’t have seats at the UN Security Council...while Russia does.
As a result of this vacuum of leadership and growing misalignment, the global architecture is no longer fit for purpose, and instead of global cooperation, we get every nation for itself. That makes crises more likely to emerge and the world less capable of responding to them.
Of all the Davos gatherings I’ve attended—and I’ve been coming since 2008—this is by far the one that is most being driven by geopolitics. Helle Thorning-Schmidt, former Prime Minister of Denmark, echoed this feeling during a Global Stage livestream conversation hosted on Monday by GZERO Media and Microsoft. Business leaders are starting to realize that they have no choice but “to engage in geopolitics,” she rightly noted.
Back in 2009, the first or second time I came to Davos, there was a massive sense of crisis, too. But everyone attending at least felt like they understood the playbook, the tools we had to respond to it. This time is different. People know there are massive crises brewing, but they don’t really know what the second- and third-order consequences will be, and they sure don’t know how to deal with them.
At the top of the agenda this year is the war in Ukraine and its many cascading effects. Everyone at Davos is worried about it, and for once, most everyone at Davos (though certainly not globally) is on the same side of the conflict. There’s a lot of consensus around Putin needing to be stopped and Ukrainians deserving all the help we can give them. But that’s where the unity ends. How does the conflict end? Can the Ukrainians actually win? Does that require humiliating the Russians? Or does Putin need to be offered an off-ramp? On those questions, there’s no agreement whatsoever.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky addresses Davos via video.Source: World Economic Forum/Sikarin Fon Thanachaiary.
As for the outlook for the conflict, the pessimists (like me, on this one) think the fighting will continue, albeit at lower levels of intensity than we’re seeing now. The optimists think the fighting can stop, albeit not definitively. Either way, everyone agrees on at least three things: (1) a negotiated settlement is a remote possibility, (2) there’s no stable equilibrium in sight, and (3) the United States and its advanced industrial allies are in a cold war with Russia (veering on hot, if you count cyber, disinformation, and espionage).
This decoupled environment is far from the globalist ideal the World Economic Forum has been committed to for 50 years. A case in point is the fact that there are no Russians in attendance at Davos: no business leaders, no delegates, no government officials. The “Russia House,” a building in this mountain town that used to serve as an outpost for Russian oligarchs and officials, has been turned into the “Russian War Crimes House,” an exhibit of images depicting the atrocities committed by Russian forces against Ukrainian civilians.
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Going after war criminals
The accusations of Russian war crimes in Ukraine have shocked the world. The Kremlin, of course, denies targeting civilians and says it’s the Ukrainians who are violating the rules of war. So what happens when one side does commit atrocities during a conflict?
It might be prosecuted for war crimes, like the Nazis who were tried in Nuremberg after World War II, just a few years before the latest version of the Geneva Convention was ratified in 1949, establishing the core of international humanitarian law.
More recently, the UN has set up special courts to prosecute war crimes like those in the former Yugoslavia (this week is the 30th anniversary of the start of the war in Bosnia), and 20 years ago the UN-backed International Criminal Court was established.
Such bodies were able to try the likes of Slobodan Milošević, the former president of Yugoslavia, and convict Charle Taylor, the Liberian warlord-turned-president.
But others evaded justice. Not everyone is on board with international tribunals for war crimes.
The US, China, and Russia have not joined the ICC — in the American case, Bill Clinton tried but it was never ratified by Congress.
Lack of jurisdiction will make it hard — but not impossible — to go after Russians accused of war crimes in Ukraine.
What We’re Watching: Zelensky at the UN, French race tightens, Sri Lankan crisis worsens
Zelensky wants justice over Russian war crimes
In his first address to the UN Security Council, Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky on Tuesday said Russians accused of war crimes in Ukraine must be brought to justice, noting that the atrocities in Bucha and elsewhere are the worst Europe has seen since World War II. Prior to Zelensky’s speech, NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg said the alliance is working with the UN-backed International Criminal Court to investigate the alleged war crimes. The International Court of Justice has already ordered Russia to cease and desist but has no authority to enforce its ruling. But some argue that pursuing indictments during ongoing conflicts can frustrate efforts toward peace agreements, thereby raising the risk of further atrocities. Meanwhile, the mounting allegations are putting more pressure on Western powers to slap harsher sanctions on Moscow — perhaps even targeting Russian oil and coal by the EU.
French presidential race tightens
Don’t look now, but a growing number of French voters aren’t ready to give Emmanuel Macron a second term as Président de la République. Ahead of first-round presidential voting on Sunday, new polls are giving the campaign of right-wing populist and political veteran Marine Le Pen a jolt of electricity. For a potential second-round matchup, one poll has Macron with just a six-point lead over Le Pen. Another poll published Monday put Macron’s lead in a potential runoff at just three points. (In 2017, he bested her in the second round by 32 points.) The war in Ukraine has given Macron an opportunity to play the global statesman and to avoid the rough and tumble of a campaign. He even skipped a televised debate. But some voters may want to see him work a bit harder. If Le Pen has a strong showing in Sunday’s first round, expect rising anxiety about what a victory for Le Pen, who has expressed past admiration for Vladimir Putin, might mean for the war. Though she has called Russia’s invasion a violation of international law, she says it has only “partly changed” her view of Putin.
"Go Gota Go" in Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka's economic crisis may soon mean it’s game over for embattled President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. In recent days, he’s lost his majority in parliament after more than 40 MPs ditched the ruling coalition. His new finance minister quit a day after being sworn in, and the central bank chief resigned right when he was set to announce an interest rate hike to save the country's currency and tame sky-high inflation. What's more, opposition parties declined to form a national unity government because it would still be led by Rajapaksa with his brother. The family has become politically toxic, with most Sri Lankans blaming them for mismanagement that has caused the country's worst-ever economic and debt crisis, leaving state coffers empty of foreign currency to pay for basic imports such as fuel. Chanting "Go Gota Go," protesters are defying the state of emergency and curfew to demand that Rajapaksa step down. The president is hanging on by a thread and is still backed by the powerful army. Will the military keep him in power at all costs?What We’re Watching: Russian war crimes, Orbán 4.0, Sri Lankan turmoil
EU sanctions loom over alleged Russian war crimes
After Russian forces withdrew from the outskirts of Ukraine's capital, President Volodymyr Zelensky’s government on Sunday accused them of committing war crimes by massacring civilians in the Kyiv suburbs of Bucha, Irpin, and Hostomel. Authorities are gathering evidence of the alleged atrocities to build a case against Russian officials at the International Criminal Court in The Hague, and former ICC chief prosecutor Carla del Ponte wants to issue an international arrest warrant for Putin. To convict, Ukrainians would need to show a pattern of deliberate targeting of civilians. Still, the carnage has convinced the EU to act: it is preparing a wave of fresh sanctions against the Kremlin. It's unclear what the new measures will be, but pressure is mounting on the bloc to finally target Russian oil and natural gas, which many EU states depend on for energy. Late Sunday, Zelensky appeared at the Grammys in a pre-taped message. "Our musicians wear body armor instead of tuxedos," he said, asking viewers to support Ukraine any way they can. Meanwhile, Russia-Ukraine peace talks may resume on Monday in Turkey, and Moscow is saying it’s not yet ready for face-to-face talks between Putin and Zelensky.
Orbán wins Hungarian election
Viktor Orbán has won a fourth consecutive term as Hungary’s prime minister after his ruling Fidesz Party captured another super majority in Sunday's parliamentary election. The result was better than expected for Fidesz. "We've won a victory so big ... you can certainly see it from Brussels," Orbán said in his election night speech. He was taking a classic swipe at the EU, which has clashed with the Hungarian government over the independence of courts and the media as well as LGBT rights (which were also on the ballot on Sunday). Brussels likewise resents Orbán's open admiration for Russian President Vladimir Putin and his refusal to send weapons to Ukraine despite (officially) condemning Russia's invasion. Orbán's victory is a big win for Putin, who now knows he'll keep at least one ally in the EU, which otherwise has done its utmost to punish Russia over the war. Looking ahead, Orbán's most immediate challenge will be convincing Brussels to unfreeze billions of euros in pandemic relief money to cover pre-election social spending.
Sri Lanka on the brink
Sri Lankans on Sunday defied a military-enforced state of emergency and a curfew to demand that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa step down amid the worst economic crisis in the country's history. Cops and soldiers fired water cannons and warning shots at protesters, who blame Rajapaksa for running out of foreign exchange reserves to pay for basic imports such as fuel, which recently forced authorities to turn off streetlights to save power. Hours later, the entire government resigned — except for the president and his brother Mahinda, the PM. Sri Lanka’s leader had previously said he's talking to China, India, and the IMF to get some relief for the country's nearly $7 billion in debt obligations for this year alone, but so far he's made little progress. More broadly, the crisis has enraged those already fed up with the concentration of power by Rajapaksa’s family and the wider political class, whom many Sri Lankans feel have done little to improve living standards in the South Asian island nation since the civil war ended in 2009. Will the people rise up to take out the Rajapaksas? If so, they won't be mobilizing on social media, because the government is blocking access to it.
- Russian war crimes push West to escalate sanctions and Ukraine support - GZERO Media ›
- Davos exhibit reveals civilian death toll in Ukraine - GZERO Media ›
- Russian war crimes exhibit at Davos reveals civilian death toll in Ukraine - GZERO Media ›
- Russian war crimes exhibit at Davos reveals civilian toll in Ukraine - GZERO Media ›