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The night Hitler consolidated totalitarian power
How do democracies fall? They implode. Sunday marked the 90th anniversary of the day on which, in retrospect, the tide of totalitarianism in Germany couldn’t be turned back — Adolf Hitler’s violent purge of Nazi leadership known as the Night of the Long Knives.
Hitler’s rise
Two years before the putsch, chaos reigned in German politics. The feeble Weimar Republic struggled to keep order as Nazi and Communist paramilitaries fought in the streets. Unemployment and inflation — already severe problems for the post-World War I German economy — were compounded by the Great Depression. The Nazi Party had capitalized on the ensuing political polarization to surge to national prominence, blaming social outsiders including Jews, Roma, and homosexuals for polluting Germany’s racial purity.
In December 1932, center-right Chancellor Franz von Papen stepped aside after a series of snap elections had given the Nazi Party the largest share of seats in Parliament. President Paul von Hindenburg reluctantly appointed Hitler chancellor in January 1933 — whereupon Hitler used a fire lit in the Reichstag building by a Dutch communist in February to intimidate the legislature into giving him emergency powers.
Last obstacles
Hitler then had just two major internal threats to his regime. The first was von Hindenburg, who as president could still dismiss the chancellor at will, and as a national war hero carried immense cachet with the military. The second was Ernst Röhm, a cabinet minister andleader of the powerful Nazi SA paramilitary, whom Hitler feared might be able to take power by force.
Hitler struck out on a strategy of flattery with von Hindenburg, playing to his conservative social values and military background to stay on his good side. But that strategy necessitated aggravating Röhm, who wanted the SA to be officially incorporated into the German military and advocated a “continuing revolution” that threatened Hitler’s consolidation of power.
By April of 1934, the 86-year-old von Hindenburg was increasingly bedridden with cancer, leaving him slow to respond to political events — though he did not resign.
Three days of blood
In the wee hours of June 30, 1934, Hitler and loyal SS guards arrived at the Munich hotel where Röhm and other SA leadership were staying. The SA leaders present were arrested, as were others arriving at the train station for an expected meeting that day.
At party headquarters in Munich, Hitler made a speech denouncing the SA and its leaders to roaring applause. A bit after 10 AM, death squads went to the prison where the SA was being held and executed all of them, including Röhm, who refused an opportunity to kill himself first.
Over the course of three days, Nazi operatives purged at least 85 members of the German conservative elite not personally loyal to Hitler. That includedGregor Strasser, a former Nazi top official who had challenged Hitler’s leadership, former Chancellor Kurt von Schleicher, former Defense Minister Ferdinand von Bredow, conservative leader Edgar Jung, journalist Fritz Gerlich, and Bernhard Stempfle, a defrocked Catholic priest who had been imprisoned with Hitler and helped him write “Mein Kampf.”
Amid all the bloodshed, which he could have stopped by removing Hitler from power, von Hindenburg did nothing. He died on Aug. 2, 1934, and it would be another 56 years before a united Germany held its next free election.
D-Day in 2024: Is it even possible?
A few days before US President Joe Biden arrived on the beaches of Normandy to commemorate the 80th anniversary of D-Day, a smaller war erupted on the GZERO office Slack channels.
“It’s impossible to imagine us launching something like D-Day again,” I wrote in our group channel. “Skepticism of foreign intervention is too high. The Forever Wars are too recent. Our society is too polarized. No way our leaders could get enough people to support it.”
But my colleague Matt Kendrick, one of the most thoughtful and historically minded guys you’ll ever meet – the guy can reliably write 1,000 (legit fascinating) words about how some obscure naval battle actually shaped our world more than the steam engine and the internet combined – pushed back on me.
“I think this is counterfactual and navel-gazey,” he wrote. “In 1939, the US was politically and militarily incapable of pulling off a D-Day. Five years later they did it. In 2024, meanwhile, we have the most powerful military in world history, and we rarely base national security decisions on public opinion.”
Those are fighting words! You leave my navel out of this!
But since we had a good little Slack argument about it, I wanted to reproduce a bit of it here as my column for this week, since I think we touched on a lot of important issues about US military power, social polarization, and foreign policy priorities.
So, first, just to set the parameters: There are, of course, no direct parallels today with the situation in France in 1944. With the exception of Eurovision season, there’s no interstate conflict in Western Europe anymore.
To imagine a comparable situation entailing the massive mobilization of American troops to defend a reasonably close partner that another great power rival has invaded, the most likely candidate is a Chinese invasion of, say, Taiwan or the Philippines. Russia testing NATO resolve with a shot at Poland could also probably fit the bill, though there was no NATO in 1944, so let’s be deliberately vague with our navel-gazing counterfactuals.
I opened with the observation that America is now a deeply polarized country that has a hard time agreeing on anything. That includes fairly frivolous things like whether to take pickleball seriously (jury out), or did Kendrick crush Drake (yes, hands down), but also basic things like “Who won the last election?” or “Is the justice system rigged?”
But one thing we do seem to agree on is that we don’t want more foreign wars these days. A national security theme of (at least) the last four US presidents has been how the US remains the global policeman without deploying more global policemen.
Only a quarter of Americans want a more active role in global affairs, and 40% want a less active one, according to a new poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. We’ve spent years investing in military technologies meant to minimize the need for human combatants – in part to insulate foreign policy from public opinion opposed to foreign wars.
Does this feel like a society that would put hundreds of thousands of lives on the line tens of thousands of miles away? I can’t see it.
Matt countered: “This is a good summary of US opinion in 1939 as well!”
He’s right about this. As late as January 1940, nearly 90% of Americans opposed intervention in Europe to defeat Nazi Germany. And barely a year and a half later, the numbers were flipped – after the UK heroically resisted the Germans (on the beaches! the landing grounds! the streets! the fields! the valleys!), the US imposed a draft, and the government got to work drumming up support for entering the war – and 70% of Americans favored fighting in Europe. Things change. Societies can be convinced to act.
Sure I shot back, but the polarization and fragmentation of the media and information space today makes it far harder to develop the critical mass of public consensus that you’d need (or at least want) to support a massive foreign invasion today. The days when a well-struck Fireside Chat could set a nationwide agenda are long gone.
Matt responded: “I think you’re overlooking the ways that technological change actually serves government propaganda equally effectively. Think about the immense effort that went into building public support for Word War II, and then think about how much more effectively similar efforts would be when everyone carries a personal tracking and advertising device in their pockets at all times.”
Hmm ...I thought: “Given the reach of tech companies, I suppose it would take only modest collusion between Washington and Silicon Valley to drive things in a very Orwellian direction. But I don’t know: Washington did its best to shape the messaging around the pandemic, and we still got lots of countervailing views ranging from reasonable to insane, all of which were highly politicized. Why would a question of war be any different? Is an Iraq-war style drum-up really conceivable in 2024?”
Matt continued with: “I firmly believe that if Americans were watching, for example, Chinese missiles rain down on, say, Seoul, Tokyo, and Taipei for six months while reading stories about Chinese atrocities and being fed nationalist propaganda, we'd see overwhelming support for a draft and war against China.”
Hold up. I point out that we have been watching Russia rain missiles down on Ukraine and commit all manner of atrocities for two years now, and that America is pretty divided even on arm’s-length support for Kyiv and there is almost no appetite at all for sending US troops into Ukraine. This tells you everything you need to know.
But Matt wasn’t buying it. He countered with: “55% of Americans say they support Ukraine in retaking its territory, and about 40% (and rising) say we aren’t doing enough. Opposition to that is an extremist position that has more to do with House GOP dynamics than broad public opinion.”
Ultimately, our disagreement goes to something deeper. Launching a major war, in a democracy at least, requires social consensus. Matt sees that consensus as being within reach if the circumstances arise. I see a society so fragmented and polarized that this is much harder – for better or worse – to achieve in 2024 than in 1939 or 1944.
But are we even asking the right question? Maybe not! After getting wind of the great Kendrick-Kliment debate, our colleague Ari Winkleman, who runs the GZERO design team, quietly dropped this little gem into the chat:
What do you think? Could US society in 2024 be convinced to support a massive foreign war again? What would it take?
Write to us here. Include your name and location and we might run your thoughts in an upcoming edition of the GZERO Daily.
Ian Explains: Why Russia has a permanent seat on the UN Security Council
Why does Russia have a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council?
On August 1, the United States will take over the Security Council presidency and it has a lot of major issues on the agenda, including food security, human rights, and addressing ongoing humanitarian crises in Haiti and Sudan.
But with Russia a permanent, veto-wielding member of the Council, the chances of any major resolutions the United States proposes actually passing are pretty slim, Ian Bremmer explains on GZERO World.
To understand why Russia has a permanent seat, you have to go back to the creation of the UN in 1945. The winners of World War II–the Americans and the allies–built the UN, including the Security Council. The five permanent members? They’re the WWII winners: the US, UK, France, China, and the Soviet Union.
By 1948, allies had quickly turned to adversaries as the Iron Curtain went up. But it was too late–the Security Council was created, enshrined, and fundamentally broken, all within three years.
Eighty years after its creation, it’s clear the Council no longer reflects the current reality. Veto power in the hands of geopolitical rivals keeps it from passing meaningful resolutions, and there are no countries from Latin America, Africa, or the Caribbean with permanent seats.
“A Security Council that retains the power of the veto in the hands of a few will still lead us to war,” said Barbados Prime Minister during the 2022 UN General Assembly.
There’s no question that we need a more effective and inclusive body to protect international peace in the modern era. But can the UN’s 193 member states put aside their differences to create it?
Watch Ian Explains for the full breakdown, and for more on the US, watch GZERO World with Ian Bremmer on US public television and at gzeromedia.com/gzeroworld.
- Explaining: the history of the UN headquarters ›
- The UN turns 75 — is it still relevant? ›
- As Sudan war worsens, Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield says UN must help ›
- UN official: Security Council Is “dysfunctional” - but UN is not ›
- UN Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield on Russia, human rights, & the Security Council presidency - GZERO Media ›
- Linda Thomas-Greenfield on Russia, Sudan & the power of diplomacy - GZERO Media ›
- Russia undermines everything the UN stands for, says Linda Thomas-Greenfield - GZERO Media ›
- UN Security Council: Liberia’s top diplomat joins calls for Africa’s representation - GZERO Media ›
How to avoid World War III
On May 9, Vladimir Putin marked Russia's Victory Day in World War II by ... celebrating the invasion of Ukraine.
Putin has co-opted triumph against the Nazis to justify his aggression by claiming a delusional Nazi threat in Ukraine to justify the war. But this is nothing new.
Indeed, former Finnish PM Alexander Stubb says Russia never really moved on from World War II, relying on the narrative that "the rest of the world is out to get us" to drum up patriotic sentiment.
Talk about self-fulfilling prophecies: Finland and Sweden are about to join NATO, the West has responded swiftly with billions of dollars and weapons for Ukraine on top of tough sanctions against Russia, and some now want more than just a Russian withdrawal.
Russia, for its part, sees this as being under attack from NATO — and that's where the real danger is.
The goal of the West cannot and should not be the destruction of Russia’s military, because that’ll unleash World War III.
Watch the GZERO World episode: Beginning of Putin's end
Putin couldn't declare victory in Ukraine - so he changed the "war" objectives
For Michael McFaul, Vladimir Putin's May 9 Victory speech was a "nothing burger."
But there was something in there that signals his intentions in Ukraine, the former US ambassador to Russia tells Ian Bremmer on GZERO World.
McFaul says Putin changed the "phraseology" he's been using for the last two months when referring to the Donbas, where perhaps he now knows he can't prevail.
For the first time, Putin very deliberately talked about the Donbas and other contested parts of Ukraine as being part of Russian territory — and that means Russia will try to annex them.
"That is new. That is something qualitatively different than [...] the way he's been speaking about the war so far."
Putin invasion of Ukraine: Worst outbreak of war since 1939
Carl Bildt, former Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Sweden, shares his perspective from Europe on the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
The worst has come to happen. The Putin invasion of Ukraine that we now see unfolding is the worst outbreak of war that we've had since Hitler invaded Poland in September of 1939. The same motives, the same technique, the same lies leading up to it. What will happen now remains to be seen. Sanctions will have to be imposed very fast and very thoroughly, although that particular policy of deterrence has obviously failed, but it was good to try. We must help the fight in Ukraine. We must treat the Putin regime in the way that it deserves in all single respects. And we are heading bleak days when it comes to the security of Europe in the next few days. Transatlantic solidarity will be absolutely key.
Australian, British aid workers killed in blast in Solomon Islands
SYDNEY (REUTERS) - Two men from Australia and Britain who worked for an aid agency that helps to dispose of unexploded bombs were killed in a blast in Solomon Islands, their employer said on Monday (Sept 21).
WWII submarine discovered off Thailand coast
BANGKOK • In the murky waters of the Strait of Malacca, about 144km south of Phuket, Thailand, four divers discovered a World War II submarine that was scuttled 77 years ago and is now teeming with marine life.