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Russian President Vladimir Putin speaks during a visit to the Lomonosov Moscow State University, in Moscow, Russia, on Jan. 24, 2025.
Putin looks back to the future
According to theFinancial Times, Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin presented a report last April to several dozen senior government officials and the heads of some of Russia’s largest state-owned companies that suggests the Kremlin hopes to create a “macro region” with Moscow as its center. This bloc would become a financial, trade, and transport network and political sphere of influence that includes much of the territory of the former Soviet Union.
Russian leadership of this bloc would allow the Kremlin to promote a common worldview among members and to set rules, standards, and sanction policies of its own. The establishment of this new bloc, which would be financed largely through trade in raw materials with the global south, would allow Russia to act as a global power on par with the United States, China, and the EU.
The report acknowledges that Western sanctions have limited Russia’s ability to realize this vision and that Moscow must look beyond the war in Ukraine to play a “long game.” It does not consider the possibility that the unwillingness of Russia’s neighbors to return to their former roles as Russian satellites might prove a greater obstacle to Russia’s renewal than Western sanctions have. Nor does it make clear how Russia intends to establish itself as an international peer to countries with far larger and more dynamic economies.
Supporters of Georgia’s pro-Western and pro-EU opposition groups hold a joint final campaign rally ahead of the upcoming parliamentary elections in Tbilisi, Georgia, on Oct. 20, 2024.
Viewpoint: Stakes couldn’t be higher ahead of Georgian election
The Eurasian country and former Soviet republic of Georgia – not the southern US state – is at risk of tilting back into Moscow’s sphere of influence. All eyes will be on the Oct. 26 election to see if the ruling Georgian Dream party – which has slowly shifted the country’s alignment away from Brussels and toward Moscow in recent years – retains control after these crucial parliamentary elections.
We spoke with Tinatin Japaridze, a Georgian-born regional analyst at Eurasia Group, about what’s at stake.
What is the pre-election atmosphere like in Tbilisi?
The atmosphere is simultaneously charged with anticipation and significant uncertainty about the election outcome. Political and social polarization has reached profound depths. The ruling Georgian Dream and the four main opposition coalitions appear disconnected from the majority of the public, who are increasingly feeling political fatigue toward the electoral process, even though many understand that the stakes are incredibly high.
What are the main issues for voters? Is Russia’s invasion of nearby Ukraine having an impact?
Since last spring, tens of thousands in Tbilisi have rallied in support of Georgia’s European future and against Russia’s ongoing aggression. Georgia, a former Soviet bloc country, is facing a critical choice – it can either move forward toward Europe or find itself reverting back toward Russia. It cannot pursue both paths at once. However, in rural areas, the decision is less clear-cut. While most recognize that the “European idea” is essential for Georgia’s growth and progress, this understanding often fails to address the immediate “bread and butter” needs of those living outside the few major cities.
The Georgian Dream, the ruling party, has been in power since 2012. Are they expected to win this election? What accounts for its enduring success?
A landslide win for the Georgian Dream is out of the question, and gaining a constitutional majority in the parliament seems very unlikely. That said, the ruling party is widely expected to garner more votes than any single political party – but probably not enough to avoid the need to form a coalition government with the opposition, which is a reality that neither side is prepared to accept. The “us vs. them” mentality will likely dominate amid deep-rooted interpersonal and intra-party tensions, significantly diminishing the prospects for collaboration between the two sides. Over the past year, as the ruling party started to gear up for what was clearly going to be the most competitive election it has faced since the Georgian Dream came to power in 2012, Russia has increased its support through official rhetoric and positive assessment of the ruling regime’s role in stabilizing relations with Moscow. There have also been thinly veiled, pro-Kremlin disinformation campaigns that have permeated the state-controlled media outlets.
Do you expect any unrest/violence around the election? A smooth government-formation process?
The days following the election will be pivotal in revealing the broader landscape, particularly because both sides will likely dispute unfavorable results. This is expected to lead to chaos, instability, and mass protests. Earlier this spring, up to 200,000 Georgians took to the streets in response to the Georgian Dream’s reintroduction of the controversial foreign agent law. If the election results, which may or may not become available on the night of Oct. 26, are unfavorable for the ruling party, the government and its security services are expected to attempt another violent crackdown. In the event of the Georgian Dream’s defeat by the opposition, a peaceful transfer of power is highly unlikely.
What will the election mean for the country’s relations with the West and with Russia?
The extent to which the West recognizes the election as free and fair will play a significant role here. If the international community rejects the results and the ruling party blatantly steals the vote, Tbilisi could experience increased isolation from the West. This would leave it more vulnerable to direct interference from Russia and increased involvement from China. By the same token, for the West, losing Georgia means losing its foothold in the South Caucasus, a situation neither the US nor Europe is prepared to accept. Western partners will use both incentives and deterrents to prevent Georgia from falling entirely under Kremlin influence.
Mamuka Mdinaradze, leader of the ruling Georgian Dream party's parliamentary faction, is punched in the face by opposition MP Aleko Elisashvili during discussion of the bill on "foreign agents" in the Parliament, Tbilisi, Georgia, April 15, 2024 in this still image taken from a live broadcast video.
Georgia’s parliament advances divisive foreign agents bill
Georgia’s ruling party, Georgian Dream, on Wednesday advanced a controversial “foreign agents” bill that rights groups say could be used to stifle civil society and silence political opponents.
The bill, which has sparked street violence and a parliamentary fistfight, would require any organization receiving 20% of its funding from abroad to register as a foreign agent.
Critics call it the “Russian law” because it mimics legislation the Kremlin has used to silence dissent in Russia. Georgian Dream and its billionaire founder, who made his fortune in Russia, are often seen as sympathetic to Moscow. The Kremlin denies any connection to the bill.
Georgian Dream says the law is like the US Foreign Agents Registration Act, aka FARA. But while FARA primarily focuses on government lobbyists, the Georgian law targets any organizations that have foreign funding. The EU, meanwhile, says the bill violates democratic norms, and warned that its passage would “negatively impact Georgia’s progress” in joining the bloc.
The bill, which must still pass two more readings before becoming law, is “very damaging for Georgia’s image and for Western support of Georgia,” says Tinatin Japaridze, a Georgian-born analyst at Eurasia Group.
It’s a sign, she says, that the former Soviet republic is at risk of tilting in the “direction of being under Moscow’s influence yet again,” particularly if Georgian Dream retains control after October’s crucial parliamentary elections.